Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이러한 캐릭터가 나오는 만화를 추천해드립니다. 후방주의 얀데레 눈나한테 동정상실 당하는 만화. 극단적인 행위는 약하게 스토킹부터, 심하게는 납치, 강간, 감금, 고문 심하게는 살인, 식인까지 근데 희한하게 이 장르가 은근히 인기가 있다는 겁니다. 후방주의 얀데레 눈나한테 동정상실 당하는 만화.

이러한 캐릭터가 나오는 만화를 추천해드립니다.. 극단적인 행위는 약하게 스토킹부터, 심하게는 납치, 강간, 감금, 고문 심하게는 살인, 식인까지 근데 희한하게 이 장르가 은근히 인기가 있다는 겁니다.. 내용은 고등학교 같은반 여친이고 여자가 ㄹㅇ 음침지뢰녀로 집에 가면 님친한테 손목그었는지 확임받고안했으면 검은색 수영복입고 남친이랑 ㅅㅅ하는 히터미를 아시나요.. 히토미 태그중 얀데레 태그있는거 모르는 흑우 없제..

아이돌 서유라

얀데레 채널 얀데레 채널 channel wiki알림알림 중subscribe 23101 subscribers알림수신 530명 @sk통피. 3 공지 처녀비처녀 떡밥 던지지마라 좀 417 2024. 나머지는 자신이 사랑을 주기보다는 상대에게 사랑받기를 갈구하는 멘헤라이거나 트라우마로 인한 정신병을 가진 이들일 뿐이다. 6 11 cn207562 소설 단편 흡혈귀 얀데레에게 잡혀버렸다 9 쇼에치원챔207848 잡담 오 히토미에 좀 쩌는 얀데레물 올라옴 4 ㅇㅇ20410 잡담 항상 느끼는 점 1 대한민국2068 소설 단편 어리광쟁이 영주와 곤란한 기사 11 블루아카. 아키타의 잿빛 늑대, 트위치 최고 이쁜이, 낭자애, 땅딸보련, 땅꼬마련 8, 은하9, 쌀깡이, 재패니즈 얀데레 소드, 회색 그렘린, 개씹테토남10, 퀴즈의 악마, 장난삼아 포함하는 캐릭터 및 애매한 경우는 제외.

멍청한 얀데레는 도짓코 속성을 가진 얀데레, 가난한 얀데레는 빈데레 속성을 가진 얀데레로, 인터넷 상에서 화제를 낳았다. 등장 작품 캐릭터 순 → 집착하는 대상 순으로 정렬. 얘들아 히토미에 얀데레 신작 떴다 마이너 갤러리.

아줌마 마이너

그래서 주관적으로 괜찮았던 완결 얀데레물 몇개 추천하고 갈게1, 이 게임이 얀데레 게임으로 유명하지만 면면을 살펴보면 1번 사이코만 유일하게 얀데레다, 내용은 고등학교 같은반 여친이고 여자가 ㄹㅇ 음침지뢰녀로 집에 가면 님친한테 손목그었는지 확임받고안했으면 검은색 수영복입고 남친이랑 ㅅㅅ하는 히터미를 아시나요.

아이가 저를 잘 따라서 가정부가 됐습니다

후방주의 얀데레 눈나한테 동정상실 당하는 만화. 멍청한 얀데레는 도짓코 속성을 가진 얀데레, 가난한 얀데레는 빈데레 속성을 가진 얀데레로, 인터넷 상에서 화제를 낳았다. 작가takei ooki 나의 오빠 시리즈대충 얀데레 여동생이 오빠 역ntr하는 내용 총 5편띵작.

그래서 주관적으로 괜찮았던 완결 얀데레물 몇개 추천하고 갈게1. 장난삼아 포함하는 캐릭터 및 애매한 경우는 제외, 이 게임이 얀데레 게임으로 유명하지만 면면을 살펴보면 1번 사이코만 유일하게 얀데레다, Com › 260얀데레 만화 추천 10작품 누구나 아는 이야기.

이러한 캐릭터가 나오는 만화를 추천해드립니다. 등장 작품 캐릭터 순 → 집착하는 대상 순으로 정렬. 개요 편집 얀데레종류하드 에 속하는 캐릭터들을 기술하는 문서, 솔로핍bソロピップb 의 동인지 시리즈 白襲.

아줌마 트위터 야동

9 공지 얀데레 내용 없는 무지성야스글 ㄴㄴㄴ sk통피 2022. 히토미 태그중 얀데레 태그있는거 모르는 흑우 없제. 메가데레 엄청나게 강렬한 사랑 나무위키 출처 얀데레 메가데레 얀데레 소프트얀데레 얀데레 만화가 너무 적어서 리뷰에는 유사 얀데레, 얀데레 엑스트라도 포함되며 사진만 보면 어그로성 글일수도 있습니다 만화 제목 와타리군의 xx가 붕괴직전. 히토미코 미도리코 시신키 반요 야샤히메 등장인물 둘러보기 hanyo 얀데레 히스테리 민폐녀 때문에 아내는 시대수에 봉인되고 딸들과는. 정식적으로 병이 들었으면서 좋아하는 대상앞에서는 부끄러워 하기 떄문에 병들다 病む 야무 부끄러워하다 でれでれ 데레데레를 합쳐서 얀데레라고 부릅니다. 얘들아 히토미에 얀데레 신작 떴다 마이너 갤러리.

아이돌 움짤 레전드 디시 Com › 260얀데레 만화 추천 10작품 누구나 아는 이야기. 마프티는 예외없이 히토미에 타락한 인간들을 정화할 것이다. 후방주의 얀데레 눈나한테 동정상실 당하는 만화. Com › 260얀데레 만화 추천 10작품 누구나 아는 이야기. 이 두 계정이 인기를 끌면서 이외에도 다양한 속성을 가진 얀데레 컨셉 계정이 등장하게 된 것으로 추정. 아이코스3 문제해결

아이젠 내가 하늘에 서겠다 일본어 이 두 계정이 인기를 끌면서 이외에도 다양한 속성을 가진 얀데레 컨셉 계정이 등장하게 된 것으로 추정. 이 두 계정이 인기를 끌면서 이외에도 다양한 속성을 가진 얀데레 컨셉 계정이 등장하게 된 것으로 추정. 이 두 계정이 인기를 끌면서 이외에도 다양한 속성을 가진 얀데레 컨셉 계정이 등장하게 된 것으로 추정. 히토미코 미도리코 시신키 반요 야샤히메 등장인물 둘러보기 hanyo 얀데레 히스테리 민폐녀 때문에 아내는 시대수에 봉인되고 딸들과는. 이 두 계정이 인기를 끌면서 이외에도 다양한 속성을 가진 얀데레 컨셉 계정이 등장하게 된 것으로 추정. 아이스크림 팅커벨

아이온2 배경화면 히토미코 미도리코 시신키 반요 야샤히메 등장인물 둘러보기 hanyo 얀데레 히스테리 민폐녀 때문에 아내는 시대수에 봉인되고 딸들과는. 작가takei ooki 나의 오빠 시리즈대충 얀데레 여동생이 오빠 역ntr하는 내용 총 5편띵작. 히토미코 미도리코 시신키 반요 야샤히메 등장인물 둘러보기 hanyo 얀데레 히스테리 민폐녀 때문에 아내는 시대수에 봉인되고 딸들과는. 6 11 cn207562 소설 단편 흡혈귀 얀데레에게 잡혀버렸다 9 쇼에치원챔207848 잡담 오 히토미에 좀 쩌는 얀데레물 올라옴 4 ㅇㅇ20410 잡담 항상 느끼는 점 1 대한민국2068 소설 단편 어리광쟁이 영주와 곤란한 기사 11 블루아카. 장난삼아 포함하는 캐릭터 및 애매한 경우는 제외. 아이온2 살성 스킬 디시

아이돌서유하 영상 등장 작품 캐릭터 순 → 집착하는 대상 순으로 정렬. 솔로핍bソロピップb 의 동인지 시리즈 白襲. 후방주의 얀데레 눈나한테 동정상실 당하는 만화. 아키타의 잿빛 늑대, 트위치 최고 이쁜이, 낭자애, 땅딸보련, 땅꼬마련 8, 은하9, 쌀깡이, 재패니즈 얀데레 소드, 회색 그렘린, 개씹테토남10, 퀴즈의 악마. 얀데레 채널 얀데레 채널 channel wiki알림알림 중subscribe 23101 subscribers알림수신 530명 @sk통피.

아티스트리 순위 아키타의 잿빛 늑대, 트위치 최고 이쁜이, 낭자애, 땅딸보련, 땅꼬마련 8, 은하9, 쌀깡이, 재패니즈 얀데레 소드, 회색 그렘린, 개씹테토남10, 퀴즈의 악마. 솔로핍bソロピップb 의 동인지 시리즈 白襲. 아키타의 잿빛 늑대, 트위치 최고 이쁜이, 낭자애, 땅딸보련, 땅꼬마련 8, 은하9, 쌀깡이, 재패니즈 얀데레 소드, 회색 그렘린, 개씹테토남10, 퀴즈의 악마. 매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다. 매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.