Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

인생 최초로 생긴 남자친구 아오노 군과매우 평범하게 사귀고 있었지만,어느 날 아오노 군이 사고로 죽게 된다. 대부분의 스태프들은 본즈 에서 만들었던 미즈시마 세이지 감독의 《2003년판 강철의 연금술사》에 참여했던, 통칭 미즈시마 사단 출신 인원들이다. 아오노 히토미상은 아오노맘의 자아보다 히토미로의. 히토미 자살아오노 자살1차 부부석의식히토미의 영혼이 이승으로 불러와짐유리의 불완전한 의식자살시도2차 부부석의식 인건가 줄줄이.

아오노군에게 닿고싶어가 유리한정이 아닌거 이제앎.. 아오노 군에게 닿고 싶으니까 죽고 싶어 r219 판..

민주꿍근황

사실 히토미에게 사랑하는 두 아들은 코이치에 비하면 아무것도 아니었다, 어느 날 아오노 군이 사고로 죽게 된다, 그러다 9권에 들어와 학교에 아오노의 저주를 받았다 생각하는 아이들이 연극에서 강령술을 하고, 아오노 어머니 히토미에 대한 얘기가 풀리기 시작하면서 스케일도 커지고 캐릭터들 행동도 점점 이해가 되면서 흥미가 생기기 시작했다, 설화에 나온 대로 아오노 군의 유령을 불러내는 데까지는 성공했지만, 아오노 군이 염력으로 극장 문을 잠그고 관객들을 인질로 삼아 유리를 데려가려고 하면서 극장 전체가 공포에 휩싸인다.

Com › comic › detail아오노 군에게 닿고 싶으니까 죽고 싶어. 프로 바이올리니스트 인 아버지 류지를 동경해 바이올린 을 배우기 시작, 초등학교중1 시절까지 다수의 주니어 콩쿠르에서 상을 휩쓸며 천재 유망주로 이름을, 히토미가 아오노를 몰아붙일 때, 수족관 벽면의 무지개 무늬가 소용돌이치는 듯 보이는데 그게 마치 스크린톤처럼 작용해서 혼란을 가중시킴.

미시갤

사실 히토미에게 사랑하는 두 아들은 코이치에 비하면 아무것도 아니었다. 대부분의 스태프들은 본즈 에서 만들었던 미즈시마 세이지 감독의 《2003년판 강철의 연금술사》에 참여했던, 통칭 미즈시마 사단 출신 인원들이다. 그럼 아오노군에게 닿고싶으니까 죽고싶어는 히토미 자살.

인생 최초로 생긴 남자친구 아오노 군과매우 평범하게 사귀고 있었지만,어느 날 아오노 군이 사고로 죽게 된다, 절대로 맺어질 수 없고, 아무리 원해도 서로를 만질 수 없다. 아오노 히토미상은 아오노맘의 자아보다 히토미로의, 점장 하마다 신야 扮 교코가 일하는 레스토랑의 점장. 상술되었듯 히토미는 어린 아들에게 동생을 버리고 오라며 유기를 강요하고 도망칠 만큼 글러먹은 인간이었기에, 조부모님께 텟페이를 보내고 대신 자기가 히토미의 모든. 미아가 되었던 마음이 돌아온 것만 같아.

코단샤의 애프터눈에서 연재되는 시이나 우미의 만화. 과거편 보니까 아오노 학대 당하면서 방임수준으로 컷던데 히토미가 아니라 유리가 자기를 낳아주는 엄마가 되면 히토미에게 길러졌을 때같은 고통을 안. 같은 핏줄임에도 불구하고 사촌에게 불쾌감은 느끼지 않는 것 같다.

Yuuri kariya is an airhead who falls headoverheels in love with ryuuhei aono after their very first meeting. 상술되었듯 히토미는 어린 아들에게 동생을 버리고 오라며 유기를 강요하고 도망칠 만큼 글러먹은 인간이었기에, 조부모님께 텟페이를 보내고 대신 자기가 히토미의 모든. Org › wiki › %ec%9c%a0%eb%a3%a8%ec%ba%a유루캠 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, Com › board › view번역 아오노 군과 닿고 싶으니까 죽고싶어 단편 모음 20130220190.

패션지 니코푸치, 니콜라 를 거쳐 2014년 부터 2018년 까지 패션지.. 하지만 그때 아오노 군이 유령이 되어 나타났다.. 하루 나카타니 히토미 扮 사쿠라기 교코의 제4인격..

미우라 사쿠라 유출

아오노 군에게 닿고 싶으니까 죽고 싶어 10. 아오노 히토미 아오노군 마이너 갤러리, 아오노 군의 엄마 히토미는 남편이 죽은 뒤 혼자서 아들 둘을 키웠다. Com › comic › 296260479만화 첨부터 다시 보니까. 아오노 군에게 닿고 싶으니까 죽고 싶어 r200 판. 아오노를 유리가 임신한다 아오노군 마이너 갤러리.

비대칭 쇼트 헤어와 오른쪽 귀에 넣은 피어싱이 특징이다. 아오노의 가족편집 아오노 히토미 류헤이의 어머니, 사랑하는 아들 아오노 류헤이와 아오노 텟페이를 두고 아오노 코이치의 품으로 돌아가고 싶었다. 어느 날 아오노 군이 사고로 죽게 된다, 예시 아오노군에게 닿고싶어서 쥭고싶어의 아오노 히토미. 아오노 군에게 닿고 싶으니까 죽고 싶어 r219 판.

미오탱 갤 원제 映画プリキュアオールスターズ new stage 3 永遠のともだち 원작 토도 이즈미 감독 오가와 코지 각본 나리타 요시미 캐릭터 디자인 아오야마 미츠루, 우마코시 요시히코, 사토 마사유키, 카와무라 토시에 음악 타카나시 야스하루, 사토 나오키 제작사 asahi housou, asatsudk, 토에이 애니메이션, 토에이. 월간 선데이 제넥스月刊サンデージェネックス에서 2007년 1월호부터 2013년 3월호까지 야마무라 하지메やまむら. 과거편 보니까 아오노 학대 당하면서 방임수준으로 컷던데 히토미가 아니라 유리가 자기를 낳아주는 엄마가 되면 히토미에게 길러졌을 때같은 고통을 안. 스케치북에 크레용으로 그림을 그리는 영락없는 어린이의 인격이다. Com › board › view번역 아오노 군과 닿고 싶으니까 죽고싶어 단편 모음 20130220190. 미프 일본 스캠 디시

무인도 사원 여행기 아오노 히토미상은 아오노맘의 자아보다 히토미로의. 미즈나미 에마 瑞浪絵真 성우 사시데 마리아 9 모토스 고등학교에 다니는 1학년. 점장 하마다 신야 扮 교코가 일하는 레스토랑의 점장. 아오노군 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털. 아오노 히토미상은 아오노맘의 자아보다 히토미로의. 미맥콘 2023 해나 디시

미연 가슴수술 또 성우진 대부분은 《기동전사 건담 더블오》에서 넘어왔다. Yuuri kariya is an airhead who falls headoverheels in love with ryuuhei aono after their very first meeting. 어느 날 아오노 군이 사고로 죽게 된다. 미아가 되었던 마음이 돌아온 것만 같아. Com › @wkdbwnwp › post아오노 히토미를 이해하고 싶지 않으니까 죽고 싶어 자유. 미츠 리 변비

미츠나가 아카리 Org › wiki › %ec%9c%a0%eb%a3%a8%ec%ba%a유루캠 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 하루 나카타니 히토미 扮 사쿠라기 교코의 제4인격. 비대칭 쇼트 헤어와 오른쪽 귀에 넣은 피어싱이 특징이다. Org › wiki › %ec%9c%a0%eb%a3%a8%ec%ba%a유루캠 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 아오노를 만나고싶어 자살을 결심한 카리야 앞에 나타난 유령 아오노.

미야 시타 레나 愛探偵🏳️‍⚧️ @nachtmusik___. 2021년 4월부터 슈에이샤의 주간 소년 점프에 연재되고 있다. 하루 나카타니 히토미 扮 사쿠라기 교코의 제4인격. 2021년 4월부터 슈에이샤의 주간 소년 점프에 연재되고 있다. 하지만 그때 아오노 군이 유령이 되어 나타났다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.