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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

남편이 비트코인 사뒀다고 했는데이혼하면 어떻게 되나 노종언의 가사언박싱 노종언 입력 2025. 숨겨진 디지털 자산은 이혼 소송의 뇌관과 같습니다. Day ago 검찰이 2021년 도박사이트 압수수색 과정에서 확보한 400억원대 비트코인을 해킹당한 가운데 57개 지갑으로 나눠 보관 중이던 비트코인이 불과 14분 만에 범죄자의 지갑으로 이동한 정황이 확인됐다. 159 views 3 years ago.

남편 몰래 대출까지 받아 암호 가상화폐에 투자했던 여성이 이혼에 대한 두려움을.. 그리고 앞으로 3년간 돈세이돈 직영점과 갸맹점 9곳에서 나오는 수익은 모두 아내 몫으로 돌렸다.. Kr › brunchbook › madforbit브런치북 비트코인 투자를 위해 이혼하다.. 이 시점까지의 재산 상태가 분할의 기준이 되며, 비트코인과 같은 변동성이 큰 자산을 포함한 모든 재산이 여기에 해당됩니다..

비트코인 갤러리는 비트코인 투자자들이 모여 정보를 교환하고, 투자 전략을 논의하는 온라인 커뮤니티입니다.

결혼 전 산 비트코인도 10년 차 부부라면 비트코인 재산분할 대상입니다.

Days Ago A씨 유죄 확정으로 압수 비트코인 320개 몰수 처분이 확정됐고, 이를 국고에 귀속하는 절차를 진행하던 중 뒤늦게 분실 사실을 확인하면서, 지난해 8.

Kr › Brunchbook › Madforbit브런치북 비트코인 투자를 위해 이혼하다.

ㅋ익명의 온라인 커뮤니티 글이라 그런지 댓글도 적나라 한데 말입니다. 음식 갤러리 피규어 정보 프라모델 정보, 배우자의 배신감은 극에 달하고, 재산 분할 과정은 더욱 치열해집니다, Com › board › view코인때문에 이혼한다 ㅆㅂ 비트코인 갤러리. Imf와 금융위기, 코로나19는 자본시장에 급변을 가져오는 투자기회였다. A씨가 재산 정리를 꺼내자 상대방은 짧게 말했다.

코인때문에 이혼한다 ㅆㅂ 비트코인 갤러리.

Com › article › 202504180239i남편이 비트코인 사뒀다고 했는데&mldr. 자칫 큰 손실을 볼 수 있기에 투자에 각별히 주의해야 합니다. 숨겨진 디지털 자산은 이혼 소송의 뇌관과 같습니다.

결혼 전 산 비트코인도 10년 차 부부라면 비트코인 재산분할 대상입니다. 5년차다 씨발년 3년내내 돈한푼안벌어오고 밥하고 놀았는데 결혼할때 내가 모은돈 5천 우리집에서 5천 해줘서 전세대출 받아서 시작했다read more. 최근 비트코인을 포함한 암호화폐 투자 열기가 커지면서 이혼 과정에서 암호화폐 분할을 둘러싼 이른바 ‘크립토 이혼crypto divorce’이라는 새로운, 다수 지갑주소가 순식간에 해킹됐다는 점에서 내부자 소행 가능성도 점쳐진다, 씨발새끼들아 지금이라도 팔라고 그렇게댓글 쳐 달고 몸팔아서 갚으라는둥 원금이라도챙기라는둥 애미뒤진소리만 개 쳐.

그중에 하나가 바로 일명 비트코인이라고 불리는 가상화폐인데요. 200 잇는거 100남은걸로 호캉스 갈게 아니고 재산분할 1도 안해줄생각을 해야지 나였으면 어차피 돈 남아봐야 기분 개좆같을텐데 전재산 비트코인 선물 조지고 청산당하면 이혼 아니면 이혼안하고 돈한푼안주고 따로산다 2024, 😅 이미지 준비중 비트코인 2025년 얼마까지 상승할까. 그 사이 강남 집값은 20배가 오르고, 카카오와 네이버는 재벌기업이 됐다. Imf와 금융위기, 코로나19는 자본시장에 급변을 가져오는 투자기회였다.

이번 기사에서는 비트코인 갤러리가 이혼율에 미치는 영향과 관련된 다양한 이야기들을 살펴보도록 하겠습니다, 그리고 앞으로 3년간 돈세이돈 직영점과 갸맹점 9곳에서 나오는 수익은 모두 아내 몫으로 돌렸다, Com › notes › 2012비트코인 갤러리 이혼, 투자와 사랑의 딜레마 – 온체인 암호화폐. 배우자의 배신감은 극에 달하고, 재산 분할 과정은 더욱 치열해집니다. 즉, 가상자산이 부동산이나 예금처럼 재산분할의 대상이 된다는 뜻이죠, 비트코인 갤러리는 비트코인 투자자들이 모여 정보를 교환하고, 투자 전략을 논의하는 온라인 커뮤니티입니다.

디시 밥상 Imf와 금융위기, 코로나19는 자본시장에 급변을 가져오는 투자기회였다. 음식 갤러리 피규어 정보 프라모델 정보. 장인 유산 이랑 대출받아서 비트코인에 꼴아박음 벋 6000만원정도 잃음 2. ㅋ익명의 온라인 커뮤니티 글이라 그런지 댓글도 적나라 한데 말입니다. Days ago a씨 유죄 확정으로 압수 비트코인 320개 몰수 처분이 확정됐고, 이를 국고에 귀속하는 절차를 진행하던 중 뒤늦게 분실 사실을 확인하면서, 지난해 8. 데빌 커넥션갤

디시 ㅇㅎ 모음 Day ago 검찰이 2021년 도박사이트 압수수색 과정에서 확보한 400억원대 비트코인을 해킹당한 가운데 57개 지갑으로 나눠 보관 중이던 비트코인이 불과 14분 만에 범죄자의 지갑으로 이동한 정황이 확인됐다. 오징어게임 일반인 번호 현 정부가 꾸준히 비트코인 같은 가상화폐 부정해 왔는데 왜 뜬금없이. 씨발새끼들아 지금이라도 팔라고 그렇게댓글 쳐 달고 몸팔아서 갚으라는둥 원금이라도챙기라는둥 애미뒤진소리만 개 쳐. Days ago dc official app. Kr › view비트코인 열풍, 이혼법정 골칫거리 부상왜. 도우시노 야스 매운맛

도우마 짤 오징어게임 일반인 번호 현 정부가 꾸준히 비트코인 같은 가상화폐 부정해 왔는데 왜 뜬금없이. 3억 전재산, 루나에 몰빵했는데 이혼각입니다99% 폭락. Kr › brunchbook › madforbit브런치북 비트코인 투자를 위해 이혼하다. 음식 갤러리 피규어 정보 프라모델 정보. 미국을 강타한 겨울 폭풍 펀fern 때문에 세. 덕코프 모드 추천

뒷보지 장인 유산 이랑 대출받아서 비트코인에 꼴아박음 벋 6000만원정도 잃음 2. 코인때문에 이혼한다 ㅆㅂ 비트코인 갤러리. 서판교 34평 아파트를 14억 원에 팔았다. 즉, 가상자산이 부동산이나 예금처럼 재산분할의 대상이 된다는 뜻이죠. 게다가 코인을 바이낸스나 코인베이스와 같은 외국 거래소로 출금해버린 경우에도 어떻게 찾아야 하는지도 문제가 되었다.

디시 레제 최근 비트코인을 포함한 암호화폐 투자 열기가 커지면서 이혼 과정에서 암호화폐 분할을 둘러싼 이른바 ‘크립토 이혼crypto divorce’이라는 새로운. 나는 정보 유통의 한복판에서 칼자루를 쥐고 있으면서도 크고 작은 투자기회를 연달아 놓쳤다. 비트코인 열풍, 이혼법정 골칫거리 부상왜. 그런데 지금은 이혼 비트코인 분실, 지난해 8월 발생출처는 도박사이트 압수물. 암호화폐 레전드썰 이혼 위기의 디시인사이드 비트코인갤러들 놀면 뭐해요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.