Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › news › view한창호의 오. 델핀 세리그 약력 delphine claire beltiane seyrig ap – octo was a lebaneseborn french actress and film director. 지난해 전주국제영화제와 서울국제여성영화제 등에서 소개된 칼리스토 맥널티의 〈델핀과 카롤〉 2019은 배우 델핀 세리그와 비디오 아티스트 카롤 루소풀로의 공동작업과 우정을 다룬 다큐멘터리다. 2015년 2부 리그 우승을 차지하며 에콰도르 세리에 a 로 승격하여 2시즌 연속으로 코파 리베르타도레스 에 진출하더니 2019년에는 구단.

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영화는 토킹헤드 방식의 단순한 형식을 취하고 있지만.. 델핀 세리그프랑스어 delphine seyrig, 1932년 4월 10일 1990년 10월 15일는 프랑스의 배우이다..

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아들은 알제리 전투의 기억으로 점점 죄의식에 사로잡히고, 세리그는 첫사랑의 상처와 아들의 고통 사이에서 신경증을 앓는다. Découvrez aussi toutes les photos et vidéos de delphine seyrig. Org › wiki › 델핀_세리그델핀 세리그 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 델핀 세리그는 알랭 레네 감독의 로 베니스국제영화제 여우주연상을 수상했으며, 자크 드미의 1970와 프랑소와 트뤼포의 1968에서 신발 판매원의 아내 역 등을. 델핀 세리그 delphine seyrig 씨네폭스 당나귀 공주. Com › news › view한창호의 오.

Seyrig grew up in lebanon, greece, france, and the united states and studied drama in paris and at the actors studio in new york. 사망일 10월 15, 1990 58 years old, Delphine seyrig born ap, beirut, lebanon—died octo, paris, france was a french actress celebrated for her mysterious beauty and distinctive characterizations.

Org › wiki › 델핀_세리그델핀 세리그 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.. Org › wiki › 잔느_딜망잔느 딜망 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전..

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알랭 레네가 감독한 《지난 해 마리앙바드에서》에 주인공으로 출연. 《자칼의 날》 the day of the jackal은 프랑스에서 제작된 프레드 지너먼 감독의 1973년 스릴러 영화이다, 델핀 세리그프랑스어 delphine seyrig, 1932년 4월 10일 1990년 10월 15일는 프랑스의 배우이다. 지난해 전주국제영화제와 서울국제여성영화제 등에서 소개된 칼리스토 맥널티의 〈델핀과 카롤〉 2019은 배우 델핀 세리그와 비디오 아티스트 카롤 루소풀로의 공동작업과 우정을 다룬 다큐멘터리다. 노래하는 여자, 노래하지 않는 여자 siwff 아카이브 보라, 델핀 세리그에 대한 짧은 이야기 페미니즘 영화 비평.

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샤넬 202324 크루즈 컬렉션을 보는 3가지 뷰 포인트. Org › person › 3508delphineseyrigdelphine seyrig — the movie database tmdb, Delphine seyrig born ap, beirut, lebanon—died octo, paris, france was a french actress celebrated for her mysterious beauty and distinctive characterizations. 지난해 마리앙바드에서last year at marienbad, 1961년 제작 프랑스영화 미스테리 드라마, 연출 알렝 레네, 출연 사스차 피토프, 델핀 세리그, 조르지오 알베르타찌 등.

www.video.f2 좋아요 43좋아요 43명이 이 인물을 좋아합니다. Découvrez aussi toutes les photos et vidéos de delphine seyrig. Celeb, fashion chanel film. 샹탈 아케르만 이 감독과 각본을 맡았다. Org › person영화감독, 영화배우 델핀 세리그 delphine seyrig 인물, 경력, 약. www.pornhub.vom

unpai 알랭 레네 감독, 알랭 로브그리예 각본, 델핀 세리그, 조르조 알베르타치 주연의 1961년작 미스터리 영화. 1989년 프랑스 le collègelycée cévenol international 여배우 영화 감독 stage actress film actress 앙리 세리그. Com › actor › view델핀 세리그 delphine seyrig 씨네폭스. 〈부르주아의 은밀한 매력〉 등 31 작품. 감독 샹탈 애커만 출연 델핀 세리그, 잔 데코르트 etc 잔느 딜망 jeanne dielman, 23 commerce q. twitter保存ランキング モンスティック

urao2sei pixiv 한류 지금 르네상스각국 인허가 뒷받침 필요k웨이브 3. 델핀 세리그는 1990년, 58세의 나이로 세상을 떠났다. 지난해 마리앙바드에서last year at marienbad, 1961년 제작 프랑스영화 미스테리 드라마, 연출 알렝 레네, 출연 사스차 피토프, 델핀 세리그, 조르지오 알베르타찌 등. 델핀 세리그 약력 delphine claire beltiane seyrig ap – octo was a lebaneseborn french actress and film director. 지난해 마리앙바드에서last year at marienbad, 1961년 제작 프랑스영화 미스테리 드라마, 연출 알렝 레네, 출연 사스차 피토프, 델핀 세리그, 조르지오 알베르타찌 등. twinmy

twitter 스팽킹 지난해 전주국제영화제와 서울국제여성영화제 등에서 소개된 칼리스토 맥널티의 〈델핀과 카롤〉 2019은 배우 델핀 세리그와 비디오 아티스트 카롤 루소풀로의 공동작업과 우정을 다룬 다큐멘터리다. Categorydelphine seyrig. 샤넬과 영화 산업, 그 친밀한 역사 20221206 배우 델핀 세리그. 이후 2000년대 중반이 되어 카롤 루소풀로는 델핀 세리그에 대한 영화 만들기에 착수했지만, 영화를 채 완성하지 못하고 그 또한 2009년에 세상을 떠났다. 영화는 토킹헤드 방식의 단순한 형식을 취하고 있지만.

tw-dl.net 알렝 레네 감독의 영화 지난해 마리앙바드에서last year at marienbad 를 보았습니다. 알랭 레네 가 감독한 《지난 해 마리앙바드에서》에 주인공으로 출연하면서 유명세를 얻기 시작했다. Org › wiki › 잔느_딜망잔느 딜망 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. Seyrig, carole roussopoulos, and translator ioana wieder, formed the feminist video collective les insoumuses fr in 1975, after meeting at a videoediting workshop that roussopoulos organized in her apartment. 은 페미니스트 감독으로서의 델핀 세리그의 모습을 확인할 수 있는 작품이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.