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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

김건희 새강자 이준수 관계 논란상당히 가까운 사이로 개인적 카톡, 문자 주고받은 사실 알려져 이준수 씨에 대한 관심이 더욱 커진 배경은 김건희 여사가 2013년부터 2016년까지 사용했던 휴대전화의 포렌식 결과 때문입니다. 매체가 이날 새롭게 제기한 인물은 애널리스트 이준수 씨로 이정필보다 김 여사의 주가조작에 실질적으로 더욱 많이 관여한 주가조작범으로 알려졌다. 이준수 김건희 내연남 프로필, 판도라폰 새강자 누구. 사진 삭제ai 활용 설정사진 설명을 입력하세요.

김건희 여사의 휴대전화 포렌식 자료가 공개되면서 도이치모터스 주가조작 사건의 ‘숨은 인물’로 지목돼온 56세 이준수 씨의 실체가 다시 주목받고 있다.

닉네임새강자 도데체 남자가 몇명이야 ㅡㅡ 이런게 무슨 영부인.. 김건희 특검팀, 도이치 주가조작 공범 이준수 씨 구속기소.. 김건희의 주가조작에 대해 컨설팅을 해줬다는 증거라며 김 여사와 이씨가 2015년 5월 12일 주고받은 카카오톡 문자메시지를 공개했다.. 특검팀은 2023년 7월 전성배 씨의 법당을 압수수색하는 과정에서 김건희 여사가 2013년부터 2016년까지 사용했던 휴대폰을 확보했으며, 이 휴대폰에서 이준수 씨와..

특검이 주목한 김건희 과거 당초 김건희 여사는 수사에서 무혐의 처분을 받았습니다.

5위 수능 국어 17번에 정답 없다 주장한 포스텍 교수 김건희 남자 이준수, 충주 휴게소에서 체포특검팀으로 압송 온라인 커뮤니티 온라인.

이는 2023년 말까지도 김건희와 이준수 간에 연락이 이어졌을 가능성을 시사한다.. Photo by 김어준의 다스뵈이다 on janu..

김건희 이준수, 감춰진 판도라의 상자 이씨와의 은밀한 진실.

Days ago 윤석열 전 대통령의 부인인 김건희 씨가 도이치모터스 주가조작 혐의로 구속돼 재판에 넘겨진 이준수 씨 소개로 건진법사 전성배 씨를 처음 소개받은 것으로 파악됐습니다, 김건희 새강자 이준수 관계 논란상당히 가까운 사이로 개인적 카톡, 문자 주고받은 사실 알려져 이준수 씨에 대한 관심이 더욱 커진 배경은 김건희 여사가 2013년부터 2016년까지 사용했던 휴대전화의 포렌식 결과 때문입니다, 이준수는 1차와 2차 주가조작 사이에 김건희 씨 계좌를 직접 관리했던 핵심 인물이다.

김건희 이준수, 감춰진 판도라의 상자 이씨와의 은밀한 진실, 이후 이름을 알리기 시작했는데, 1996년 투자를 시작해 한화증권, 동양증권, sk증권 등 실전투자대회를 석권했다고 알려진다. 이는 2023년 말까지도 김건희와 이준수 간에 연락이 이어졌을 가능성을 시사한다, Plus+u @moonriver1314.

탄지로 gif Plus+u @moonriver1314. 》 건진법사 자택에서 김건희가 20131016년 사용했던 핸드폰에서 주고받은 문자에서 문제가 도출되었다. 이준수는 1차와 2차 주가조작 사이에 김건희 씨 계좌를 직접 관리했던 핵심 인물이다. 김건희 특검팀, 도이치 주가조작 공범 이준수 씨 구속기소. 이준수 새강자와 김건희와의 관계에 대해 알아보도록 합시다. 탁란 이혼

투캅스 3 다시보기 이준수는 과거 무자본 인수합병 혐의 등으로 여러 차례 형사처벌을 받았던 전력이 있으며, ‘주가조작 전과 4범’으로 알려져 있다. 사진 삭제ai 활용 설정사진 설명을 입력하세요. 사진 삭제ai 활용 설정사진 설명을 입력하세요. 특검이 주목한 김건희 과거 당초 김건희 여사는 수사에서 무혐의 처분을 받았습니다. 바로 도이치모터스 주가조작의 제3의 주포 이준수다. 툰 브로 대피소

토다와 트위터 여기, 조금의 기적 새강자 이준수 지명수배 김건희 문자 상대의 인생 그리고 강진구 기자의 인터뷰 영상. 매체가 이날 새롭게 제기한 인물은 애널리스트 이준수 씨로 이정필보다 김 여사의 주가조작에 실질적으로 더욱 많이 관여한 주가조작범으로 알려졌다. 김건희 내연남 이준수는 대우증권 실전투자대회에서 500만 원의 종잣돈으로 3개월 만에 2억 3천여만 원을 벌며 4,650%의 수익률을 기록했다. 지금 이 순간 뜨거운 소식을, 오목교 기자들이 오목조목 짚어 봅니다. 매체가 이날 새롭게 제기한 인물은 애널리스트 이준수 씨로 이정필보다 김 여사의 주가조작에 실질적으로 더욱 많이 관여한 주가조작범으로 알려졌다. 텔레그램 부계

트위터 09변녀 새강자’ 이준수에 대해 알려진 약력, 프로필, 그리고 최근 주요 이슈들을 정리해드릴게요. 》 건진법사 자택에서 김건희가 20131016년 사용했던 핸드폰에서 주고받은 문자에서 문제가 도출되었다. 이후 김 여사는 전 씨를 자신이 운영하던 전시기획사 고문으로 임명했고, 전 씨는 윤석열 정부 초반. 김건희의 주가조작에 대해 컨설팅을 해줬다는 증거라며 김 여사와 이씨가 2015년 5월 12일 주고받은 카카오톡 문자메시지를 공개했다. 이준수는 김건희 여사에게 ‘건진법사’ 전성배 씨를 소개한 핵심 연결고리인 것으로 드러났다.

트래블 월렛 외화 입금 atm 여기, 조금의 기적 새강자 이준수 지명수배 김건희 문자 상대의 인생 그리고 강진구 기자의 인터뷰 영상. 김건희씨와 도이치모터스 주가조작 사건의 주포 이준수씨가 나눈 카카오톡 메시지가 공개됐습니다. 이준수는 과거 무자본 인수합병 혐의 등으로 여러 차례 형사처벌을 받았던 전력이 있으며, ‘주가조작 전과 4범’으로 알려져 있다. 특검이 주목한 김건희 과거 당초 김건희 여사는 수사에서 무혐의 처분을 받았습니다. 이준수는 김건희 여사에게 ‘건진법사’ 전성배 씨를 소개한 핵심 연결고리인 것으로 드러났다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.