Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

보험영업은 많은정보를 숙지해야 하며 요즘 왠만한사람 보험 다들어놨죠. 카카오톡 및 문자서비스 고객만족 보험금청구 mdrt가 사용하는 교육 및 영업자료 제공. 이거 직업적인 인식은 좀 잘 안쳐주지. 물론 여기 계신분들은 다 잘 아시겠지만 거길 다녀왔습니다.

그록 검열 이유

라는 생각이들어 이런식으로 자신은 뭐 23살에 전역 후 서울와서 원룸반지하로 시작하다가 뭐할지 고민하다가.. 나는 스물여섯 초에 보험팔이의 길로 들어서 약 4년간 일했다.. 오늘은 제가 월 1,000만 원을 넘기기까지 겪었던 현실적인 과정과 성공포인트를 공유해 보려고 합니다..

귀칼 웃긴 만화

물론 여기 계신분들은 다 잘 아시겠지만 거길 다녀왔습니다. 얼마전 모생명보험회사의 일종의 오리엔테이션 3차까지 있는 설명회. 이거 직업적인 인식은 좀 잘 안쳐주지.

오늘은 제가 월 1,000만 원을 넘기기까지 겪었던 현실적인 과정과 성공포인트를 공유해 보려고 합니다. 손해보험사 기준으로 초봉 5,500넘는다. 들어놓은보험 재분석해야 하는경우가 많을거예요. 서비스에 로그인할 수 있도록 도와드리겠습니다. 들어놓은보험 재분석해야 하는경우가 많을거예요.

2026년 한화손해보험 동계 취업캠프, Com › board › view질문 보험영업으로 성공하는 법 보험 갤러리, 카카오톡 및 문자서비스 고객만족 보험금청구 mdrt가 사용하는 교육 및 영업자료 제공, 이거 직업적인 인식은 좀 잘 안쳐주지, 나는 스물여섯 초에 보험팔이의 길로 들어서 약 4년간 일했다.

2026년 한화손해보험 동계 취업캠프.. 보험 디비란 말 그대로 고객의 정보와 데이터를 의미하는데, 이 디비가 얼마나 정확하고 최신 정보를 담고 있는지에 따라 영업 실적이 달라지기 때문이에요.. 점심 저녁 다 법카쓰고 통신비 유류비까지 지원해줌.. 얼마전 모생명보험회사의 일종의 오리엔테이션 3차까지 있는 설명회..

애니카 자동차보험, super보험, 실손보험 등 각종 보험상품 정보를 제공, 인터넷창구를 이용한 계약조회, 보험계약대출, 보상서비스 및 라이프케어, 멤버십서비스 등 다양한 서비스를 제공합니다, samsung fire & marine, 수호천사 동양생명은 다양한 보험 상품과 서비스를 제공하는 보험사입니다. 보험 영업에서 가장 중요한 자산 중 하나는 보험디비라고 할 수 있어요. 항상 앞서가는, 그리고 기대를 뛰어넘는 신한라이프 since 1990 신뢰와 안정의 신한라이프 개인고객수 373만 고객이 선택한 보험 18년 연속 aaa 보험금 지급능력평가, 보험영업은 많은정보를 숙지해야 하며 요즘 왠만한사람 보험 다들어놨죠.

기유 나이

삼성화재해상보험주식회사의 홈페이지입니다. 지역별로 영업관리 뽑는데 지거국이면 충분히 가능하다, 보험파는거 아니고 지점장되서 관리하는거야.

그룩 프롬포트 이거 직업적인 인식은 좀 잘 안쳐주지. 지금, 캐치에서 가장 주목받는 공고예요. 2026년 한화손해보험 동계 취업캠프. 항상 앞서가는, 그리고 기대를 뛰어넘는 신한라이프 since 1990 신뢰와 안정의 신한라이프 개인고객수 373만 고객이 선택한 보험 18년 연속 aaa 보험금 지급능력평가. Com › mgallery › board보험영업 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 김 감전 무파사 톡 가사

김 야미 디시 나는 스물여섯 초에 보험팔이의 길로 들어서 약 4년간 일했다. 보험파는거 아니고 지점장되서 관리하는거야. 안정적이고 복지도 꽈 좋고 사내문화가 수평적인 곳입니다. 삼성화재해상보험주식회사의 홈페이지입니다. 이용기관 로그인 로그인 관련 도움말이나 다른 사용자가 자주 찾는 질문을 확인해보세요. 규진 디시

글로벌 이코노믹 나무 위키 지금, 캐치에서 가장 주목받는 공고예요. 들어놓은보험 재분석해야 하는경우가 많을거예요. 2026년 한화손해보험 동계 취업캠프. 손해보험사 기준으로 초봉 5,500넘는다. 오늘은 제가 월 1,000만 원을 넘기기까지 겪었던 현실적인 과정과 성공포인트를 공유해 보려고 합니다. 길가의 후지이 49

기후 소프랜드 걔가 절망모드이건 말건 나하곤 아무 상관도 없다는 이야기이고 실제로 아무도 신경 안써준다. 보험설계사로 이직을 하시려는 분, 첫 직장을 보험설계사로서 시작하시고 싶은 분들께 조금이나마 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 보험 디비란 말 그대로 고객의 정보와 데이터를 의미하는데, 이 디비가 얼마나 정확하고 최신 정보를 담고 있는지에 따라 영업 실적이 달라지기 때문이에요. Com › board › view형들 보험이나 제약영업은 정말 아니야. 얼마전 모생명보험회사의 일종의 오리엔테이션 3차까지 있는 설명회.

금화 상하이 남친 2026년 한화손해보험 동계 취업캠프. 걔가 절망모드이건 말건 나하곤 아무 상관도 없다는 이야기이고 실제로 아무도 신경 안써준다. 보험설계사로 이직을 하시려는 분, 첫 직장을 보험설계사로서 시작하시고 싶은 분들께 조금이나마 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 손해보험사 기준으로 초봉 5,500넘는다. 그러면 월천까지 찍던넘이 포기하고 싶겠냐결국 남명의 빌려서 지돈 꼴아박는 영업을 하는거야월 천 벌면 뭐하냐지가 남의 명의로 꼴아박는 보험료가 700800인데결국 빛좋은 개살구 되다가이마저도 막히면 그만두고 보험영업경력의 백수 되는거야.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.