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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

특효약1 퀘스트다리 통증 특효약 어디서 얻음. 특효약1 퀘스트다리 통증 특효약 어디서 얻음. 창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 약을 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다. 백지선 감독51이 이끄는 한국 남자 아이스하키 대표팀은 3일 인천선학링크 read more.

유머 게시판 정치유머 소전2 감기 특효약.

폭주하는 스캐빈저는 벙커에서 나와 왼쪽에 벽을 끼고 가다보면 나오는 캠프에서 고정적으로 2마리가 스폰한다.. Com › 31덕코프 특효약 2 special medicine part 2 이스케이프 프롬 덕코.. 유머 게시판 정치유머 소전2 감기 특효약.. 조합에 상관없이 케리건 혼자 2번째 열차..

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줍고, 철수한 뒤 머드에게 퀘스트 완료하면 덕코프 특효약2 퀘스트가 완료되는데요. 스타크래프트 2 공허의 유산협동전 임무죽음의 밤. 폭주하는 스캐빈저는 벙커에서 나와 왼쪽에 벽을 끼고 가다보면 나오는 캠프에서 고정적으로 2마리가 스폰한다. Escape from duckov 은거 생활 조건아이템 제출 은둔자의 편지 x1 보상경험치 +2,000골드 +800상품 3레벨 방탄복 해금상품 특공대 헬멧 해금 공략창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 편지를 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다, 보상 경험치 + 4000, 골드 + 2500사무실 건물 내 지하계단 이용. 안전가옥 내부에 있는 아이템을 들고 탈출하면 된다.

특효약 퀘스트 보상으로는 경험치 1800, 골드 1500.

특효약 스폰 위치 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리. 특효약 스폰 위치 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리, Com › 23이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 특효약 2 위치. This content isnt available. 창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 약을 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다.

고기 칼을 확정적으로 가지고 있는 것은 아니니 주의. 위 이미지에는 특효약 2 퀘스트와 같이 진행해서. 배달 퀘스트 중에서 무려 2번이나 시켜서 가장 귀찮은데요. 특효약1 퀘스트다리 통증 특효약 어디서 얻음. 안전가옥 내부에 있는 아이템을 들고 탈출하면 된다.

유머 게시판 정치유머 게시판 사회 의외로 모기물린데에 특효약인것 25년간 실종된 여성이 다락방에서. Escape from duckov 생명 유지 시스템 단서 회수 조건아이템 제출 생명유지 시스템 단서 x1 보상경험치 +2,500골드 +3,000 공략안전가옥 내부에서 아이템을 찾아오면 되는 퀘스트다. 위 이미지에는 특효약 2 퀘스트와 같이 진행해서. 1 ※ 참고지하 2층은 지하 1층의 전력 제어실의 차단기를 올려야합니다.

배달 퀘스트 중에서 무려 2번이나 시켜서 가장 귀찮은데요. 게임escapefromduckov의 다른글 현재글이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 특효약 2 위치 다음글이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 퀘스트 퀘스트 무기설계도 위치, 공허의 유산협동전 임무망각행 고속열차 r757 판, 在地图上实时标明boss的位置，方便寻找boss击杀 marks boss positions on the map in real time using the 3rd map mark icon and red color. 보호막 충전소 덕에 최전방의 광자포도 거의 깨지지 않으며, 2밤부터 거신 한 두기만 배치하면 일반 감염체 따윈 공격하기도 전에 다 불태울 수 있다. 특효약1 퀘스트다리 통증 특효약 어디서 얻음.

에로배우 다솔 특효약 퀘스트 보상으로는 경험치 1800, 골드 1500. 유머 게시판 정치유머 소전2 감기 특효약. 백지선 감독51이 이끄는 한국 남자 아이스하키 대표팀은 3일 인천선학링크 read more. 유머 게시판 정치유머 게시판 사회 의외로 모기물린데에 특효약인것 25년간 실종된 여성이 다락방에서. This content isnt available. 엉덩퀸 유튜브

야코 트위터 Escape from duckov 은거 생활 조건아이템 제출 은둔자의 편지 x1 보상경험치 +2,000골드 +800상품 3레벨 방탄복 해금상품 특공대 헬멧 해금 공략창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 편지를 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다. Com › 23이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 특효약 2 위치. Com › 31덕코프 특효약 2 special medicine part 2 이스케이프 프롬 덕코. 197 views 2차대전 top 스나이퍼였던 노인의 손녀를 건드렸다가 지옥의 맛을. 보상 경험치 + 4000, 골드 + 2500사무실 건물 내 지하계단 이용. 어나더레드 학습장치

어크 갤러리 고기 칼을 확정적으로 가지고 있는 것은 아니니 주의. Escape from duckov 은거 생활 조건아이템 제출 은둔자의 편지 x1 보상경험치 +2,000골드 +800상품 3레벨 방탄복 해금상품 특공대 헬멧 해금 공략창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 편지를 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다. 백지선 감독51이 이끄는 한국 남자 아이스하키 대표팀은 3일 인천선학링크 read more. 한국 아이스하키가 평창올림픽을 앞둔 첫 모의고사에서 실망을 안겼다. 특효약 스폰 위치 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리. 엔믹스 설윤 노출

엄마 섹스 디시 게임escapefromduckov의 다른글 현재글이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 특효약 2 위치 다음글이스케이프 프롬 덕코브 퀘스트 퀘스트 무기설계도 위치. 요양원 방 열쇠2는 어느 유저가 7시간 동안 못 찾았다는 전설적인 이야기가 있는데요. This content isnt available. 在地图上实时标明boss的位置，方便寻找boss击杀 marks boss positions on the map in real time using the 3rd map mark icon and red color. 특효약 스폰 위치 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리.

에로배우 토미 줍고, 철수한 뒤 머드에게 퀘스트 완료하면 덕코프 특효약2 퀘스트가 완료되는데요. 창고 구역 남쪽에 있는 단독건물 안에서 약을 주워서 가져다 주면 되는 퀘스트다. 특효약 스폰 위치 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리. Escape from duckov 생명 유지 시스템 단서 회수 조건아이템 제출 생명유지 시스템 단서 x1 보상경험치 +2,500골드 +3,000 공략안전가옥 내부에서 아이템을 찾아오면 되는 퀘스트다. 게임덕코프 escape from duckov 덕코프 특효약 2 special medicine part 2 이스케이프 프롬 덕코프 escape from duckov 공략.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.