Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

上官卿传番外— 金甲媚娘改写版（上篇）作者：卿龙. 伴随着雯雪婷这二十余年来最为剧烈的一次绝顶 身所 涌出的 浆涌泉，那在其体内泛滥，令她这位在龙境先天中都属顶尖的横练高手狼狈不堪的跗骨 毒，终于是与 中涌出的玉汁媚 一同排出了体外。. 铁衣女侠同人 金甲媚娘 作者： 不详 时间：20240303 状态： 已完结 章节数： 1 铁衣女侠传奇（串联《上官卿传》之改写版） 作者： 卿龙 时间：20240303 状态： 连载中 章节数： 4 春未央 作者： 天涯笑笑生 时间：20250126 状态： 连载 章节数： 15 武林艳史别记. 铁衣女侠同人 金甲媚娘 作者： 不详 时间：20240303 状态： 已完结 章节数： 1 铁衣女侠传奇（串联《上官卿传》之改写版） 作者： 卿龙 时间：20240303 状态： 连载中 章节数： 4 春未央 作者： 天涯笑笑生 时间：20250126 状态： 连载 章节数： 15 武林艳史别记.

애비게일 스펜서 유출

上官卿传番外之金甲媚娘（改写版）最新章节由网友提供，《上官卿传番外之金甲媚娘（改写版）》情节跌宕起伏、扣人心弦，是一本情节与文笔俱佳的其他小说，笔趣阁免费提供上官卿传番外之金甲媚娘（改写版）最新清爽干净的文字章节在线阅读。.. 看到有粉丝催更女侠文，甚是欣慰。把这篇改写文的上篇先发出来，给诸君先来点前菜。喜闻乐见的正戏会放在后篇，敬请期待。read more.. 因其容貌美艳，天生媚骨；娇躯在催动化石功力护体之下犹如身着金甲，加上她本人又喜爱穿金色衣衫，所以在江湖上有着「金甲媚娘」的美名。 金甲媚娘雯雪婷。.. Gold armor 金甲媚娘 p1p25最新话， feather mrs..

야스닷컴 링크모아

Com › book › 258219xunhuan5, 本来倩漪的一 对豪 也是十分丰 拔,但是跟师父的相比,就相形见绌了。 师父那成 高贵 的身体让倩漪看的不 心生妒意,红着脸低下头来。 一直把倩漪当做亲生女儿的 金甲老人岂会看不出徒儿的心思,只见她嫣然一笑,温柔地抱住了倩漪,向倩漪 和秋莲讲述自己的故事。, 巨乳 金甲媚娘cg featherのイラスト.

야동 사이카

안자이라라

Gold armor is the fourth armor set in the game. Gold armor 金甲媚娘 p1p25最新话， feather mrs. Gold armor 金甲媚娘p1p25 chinese version tags chinese, feather, big breasts, nipple fuck.

Find more japanese works related to chinese content, wuxia and chinese on pixiv, japan. Gold armor 金甲媚娘p1p25》 是,包含的相關主題例如full color 漫畫,uncensored 漫畫,beautiful breasts 漫畫,dynamite body 漫畫, 看到有粉丝催更女侠文，甚是欣慰。把这篇改写文的上篇先发出来，给诸君先来点前菜。喜闻乐见的正戏会放在后篇，敬请期待。read more, Com › book › 258219xunhuan5. Gold armor 金甲媚娘 p1p25无码无遮盖，连载更新 feather mrs. Gold armor 金甲媚娘p1p25 chinese version.

本来倩漪的一 对豪 也是十分丰 拔,但是跟师父的相比,就相形见绌了。 师父那成 高贵 的身体让倩漪看的不 心生妒意,红着脸低下头来。 一直把倩漪当做亲生女儿的 金甲老人岂会看不出徒儿的心思,只见她嫣然一笑,温柔地抱住了倩漪,向倩漪 和秋莲讲述自己的故事。. 伴随着雯雪婷这二十余年来最为剧烈的一次绝顶 身所 涌出的 浆涌泉，那在其体内泛滥，令她这位在龙境先天中都属顶尖的横练高手狼狈不堪的跗骨 毒，终于是与 中涌出的玉汁媚 一同排出了体外。. Gold armor 金甲媚娘p1p25 chinese version tags chinese, feather, big breasts, nipple fuck.

야살 코스프레

See relevant content for xunhuan5, Com › forum › thread107846091119上官卿传番外 — 金甲媚娘 改写版（上篇）作者：卿龙 武侠. 3 上官卿传 — 时间线梳理 （金甲媚娘雯雪婷的一生） 569文字 145 オリジナル 歴史・時代 武侠 铁衣女侠 女侠 介绍 时间线梳理 金甲媚娘 上官卿 中文 中國語 もっと見る. 飞羽 feather漫画作品大全 fansadox第2页acg漫画网 飞羽 feather漫画作品 15, Gold armor 金甲媚娘 p1p25》韩国污漫完整版，本站提供免费看 feather mrs, Com › part › 112438铁衣女侠（改编）最新章节_mikemike_铁衣女侠（改编）_水滴小说网.

야니야동 Gold armor 金甲媚娘 p1p25无码无遮盖，连载更新 feather mrs. Com › forum › thread1077774416铁衣女侠同人金甲媚娘 作者：不详 重口另类区 sis001. The two helmets are interchangeable, with no bonus loss. 宝藏大佬作品合集免费分享啦！ 飞羽大佬的重口合集，高清高质全彩无码立体化手绘风（包括金甲媚娘、百花榜、关翎、夜间围捕等截至目前近70部还会实时更新）！. 本来倩漪的一 对豪 也是十分丰 拔,但是跟师父的相比,就相形见绌了。 师父那成 高贵 的身体让倩漪看的不 心生妒意,红着脸低下头来。 一直把倩漪当做亲生女儿的 金甲老人岂会看不出徒儿的心思,只见她嫣然一笑,温柔地抱住了倩漪,向倩漪 和秋莲讲述自己的故事。. 야살 수술

애널롱 3성급 호텔 Com › illust › 77408927百花榜02 feather. 3 上官卿传 — 时间线梳理 （金甲媚娘雯雪婷的一生） 569文字 145 オリジナル 歴史・時代 武侠 铁衣女侠 女侠 介绍 时间线梳理 金甲媚娘 上官卿 中文 中國語 もっと見る. 宝藏大佬作品合集免费分享啦！ 飞羽大佬的重口合集，高清高质全彩无码立体化手绘风（包括金甲媚娘、百花榜、关翎、夜间围捕等截至目前近70部还会实时更新）！. Cc › comic › 2689feather mrs. H漫金甲媚娘情色漫画 hentaione. 안세영 얼굴 디시

알플 중국 사이트 金甲媚娘的热门插图和漫画。与金甲媚娘相关的标签还有等。 pixibloom pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站. 金甲媚娘的热门插图和漫画。与金甲媚娘相关的标签还有等。 pixibloom pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站. 金甲媚娘的热门插图和漫画。与金甲媚娘相关的标签还有等。 pixibloom pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站. If this is your domain you can renew it by logging into your account. 伴随着雯雪婷这二十余年来最为剧烈的一次绝顶 身所 涌出的 浆涌泉，那在其体内泛滥，令她这位在龙境先天中都属顶尖的横练高手狼狈不堪的跗骨 毒，终于是与 中涌出的玉汁媚 一同排出了体外。. 알 플레이 수수 얼굴

암웨이 피라미드 계획 사실 Com › forum › thread107846091119上官卿传番外 — 金甲媚娘 改写版（上篇）作者：卿龙 武侠. Cc › comic › 2689feather mrs. Create date 20211203 010602. The two helmets are interchangeable, with no bonus loss. 金甲媚娘的热门插图和漫画。与金甲媚娘相关的标签还有等。 pixibloom pixiv p站 pixiv国内镜像站.

야스 만화 Gold armor 金甲媚娘p1p25. 本来倩漪的一 对豪 也是十分丰 拔,但是跟师父的相比,就相形见绌了。 师父那成 高贵 的身体让倩漪看的不 心生妒意,红着脸低下头来。 一直把倩漪当做亲生女儿的 金甲老人岂会看不出徒儿的心思,只见她嫣然一笑,温柔地抱住了倩漪,向倩漪 和秋莲讲述自己的故事。. Board 第一会所 关闭注册 武侠玄幻区 上官卿传番外 — 金甲媚娘 改写版（上篇）作者：卿龙 ‹‹ 上一主题 下一主题 ›› 打印. Com › book › 150098上官卿传番外 — 金甲媚娘 改写版（中篇）作者：卿龙. Manga visible yes length 27 pages favorited 56 rating 7 20 create date 20211203 010602 modify date 20221206 135531 manga visible yes length 27 pages favorited 56 rating 7 20 create date 20211203 010602 modify date 20221206 135531 language 汉语 other 已上传.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.