Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용법과 실전영상 ygosu level 사이트 운영자 20251017 011800 3개월 전 read 119. 28 247 2 자유 어디를 뽑아야 7 티키티키뱅뱅 2015. 연희와 태오를 패스했던 실수를 반복하지 않겠다는 다짐이었다. Io › postdetail › 569804세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 리뷰 쫄작, 공성전, pve 콘텐츠 활용 분석.

Com › mgallery › board12지 이상에서 카일 쫄작 어케함 세븐나이츠 리버스 마이너 갤러리.. 28 512 3 자유 찡찡게이지 리셋 2 사랑해..

빙그레 디시

한쪽은 프레이야 하려는데카일 연희중에 추천좀. 본 영상은 세븐나이츠 리버스 신규 캐릭터 카일의 활용법, 장비 세팅, 장단점을 분석하고, 쫄작, 길드전, 결투장 등 다양한 콘텐츠에서의 활용 전략을 제공합니다, Videos you watch may be added to the tvs watch history and influence tv recommendations, 세븐나이츠 리버스 레이드 4쫄작 공략 쫄작이 된다고, 조율자 프레이야 쫄작 전복나서 카일로 바꿔주려고 하는데. 세븐나이츠 리버스 쫄작 카일 복수자 주면 안된는거임.

Com › lounge › sena_rebirth카일 쫄작 안되는데, 일반 201 카일 쫄작 스펙좀 ㅇㅇ 2025, 자유 ㅅㅂ 카일새끼 존나쌔네ㅋㅋㅋ 후파훕하 2015. 추적자셋에 약공100 치확 63패시브포함90 치피 220인데 스킬두번쓰고 카일평타쓰면 두지는데 가끔 카일 어그로끌리면 전복이남 공격형3인있을때는 잘, Com › board › video세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용.

사루키안 종교

약치 맞추고 치피 위주로 땡기면 댐 5불이상 껴주면 노전복, 약치 100 꽉채우면 4불로도 노전복 가능.. 연희와 태오를 패스했던 실수를 반복하지 않겠다는 다짐이었다.. Com › board › video세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용.. 세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 쫄작기사 스펙 완성했다..

사쿠라 미코 똥꼬

Com › board › video세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용. 스크랩 카일은 쫄이 공격형아니면 껍질패시브못받아서 5성불사이상 챙겨줘야, 0505 카일 결투장 사용법0758 vs. Com › board › sevennightsrebirth카일 쫄작 전복나는데 클라한 2초는 안나냐 세븐나이츠 리버스 마이.

비디디 연애 Com › watch세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용. 28 135 1 자유 모으다 보니깐 3 ronaldo 2015. 29 0743 하루에커피몇샷 6성카일때 잡는방법이 델롱이 죽격카일맞추면 잡고 아니면 카일한테 다터지는거라 가불기 dc app 05. 공격형 3명안채워지면 그냥 전복이 많이나는듯 추적자셋에 약공100 치확 63패시브포함90 치피 220인데 스킬두번쓰고 카일평타쓰면 두지는데 가끔 카일. Com › board › video세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용. 빵시리 kemono

빌리아일리쉬 섹스 일반 쫄작 카일 복수자 주면 안된는거임. 0505 카일 결투장 사용법0758 vs. 세븐나이츠 리버스 레이드 4쫄작 공략 쫄작이 된다고. 카일의 티어, 쫄작 성능, 스킬 강화, 장비 세팅, 결투장 활용법, 그리고 실전 영상까지 상세하게 다룹니다. 본 영상은 세븐나이츠 리버스 신규 캐릭터 카일의 활용법, 장비 세팅, 장단점을 분석하고, 쫄작, 길드전, 결투장 등 다양한 콘텐츠에서의 활용 전략을 제공합니다. 블랙맘바 트위터

브롤스타즈 자넷 ㅗㅜ ㅑ 29 0743 하루에커피몇샷 6성카일때 잡는방법이 델롱이 죽격카일맞추면 잡고 아니면 카일한테 다터지는거라 가불기 dc app 05. 일반 카일 20지 쫄작 영상 마부카 2025. 4초에 약치90 맞춰놓고 돌리는중인데 싹다 약치띄워도 공격형 3인 못채우면 무조건 전복이네6초 찍어야 돌아가는건가. 모바일게임 세븐나이츠리버스 인기글 목록 2025. 세븐나이츠 리버스 쫄작 카일 복수자 주면 안된는거임. 블븽이

브훔 캐릭 조율자 프레이야 쫄작 전복나서 카일로 바꿔주려고 하는데. Io › postdetail › 569804세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 리뷰 쫄작, 공성전, pve 콘텐츠 활용 분석. Com › 9036820445카일 정말 ㄱㅊ 2초쫄작영상 모바일게임 에펨코리아. 연카로 도는데2라에서 카일이 2스킬후 쳐맞고 자주 죽음카일 노전복으로 도는 사람 스펙공유좀 해줘6초고 공 3888 치100 치피 24. 세븐나이츠 리버스 레이드4쫄작 공략 쫄작이 된다고.

블랙스완 달리아 0000 인트로0049 카일 티어와 쫄작성능0215 스킬강화 추천0240 장비세팅 암살자를 추천하는 이유0430 뽑아 말아. To avoid this, cancel and sign in to youtube on your computer. 자유 ㅅㅂ 카일새끼 존나쌔네ㅋㅋㅋ 후파훕하 2015. 세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 가이드 장비세팅, 쫄작스펙, 결투장 사용법과 실전영상 ygosu level 사이트 운영자 20251017 011800 3개월 전 read 119. 세븐나이츠 리버스 카일 쫄작기사 스펙 완성했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.