Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2007년에, 아트비전을 떠나서 vims 소속이 되었습니다. 호리에 유이 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 그러나 당시 초등학교 2학년이었던 호리에는 성우가 되는 방법을 몰랐기 때문에. 2011년 2월 21일 본인의 블로그에서 결혼 사실을 발표했다.

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2012년 4월에 가수 데뷔가 결정되었다.. 결혼 상대에게는 진심을 다해야한다며 여심에 약한 나사에게 충고하기도 한다..

호리에 유이의 48번째 생일을 축하합니다.. 2011년 2월 21일 본인의 블로그에서 결혼 사실을 발표했다..

30 405 2 643555 일상몰 애니 2기 캐릭터 일갤러58. 호리에 유이 시라카와 코토리역의 호리에 유이입니다. 헐 호리에유이 결혼했다가 이혼했었네 일본 여성성우.

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일본 성우이야기 8 17세 교敎 네이버 블로그. 2012년 4월에 가수 데뷔가 결정되었다. 9월 19, 20일, 성우로서는 4번째로 일본 무도관 콘서트를 개최. 2024년 11월 12일 오전 10시 예고편과 엔딩 주제가 정보가 공개되었다.

She debuted as a voice actress in 1997, releasing her debut single my best friend on novem. Vims소속, 소속 레코드 회사는 스타 차일드. 그리고 2012년 1 호리에 유이는 나즈카 카오리를 생명의 은인으로 대접하고 있다. 호리에 유이는 결혼할거같은데 방도리 성우 마이너 갤러리, Born septem is a japanese voice actress and singer affiliated with vims and starchild. Com › board › view호리에 유이세키 토모카즈,히라카와 다이스케이토 시즈카 결혼 일.

언니 많이 내가 남자라면 결혼한다면 저런 사람이 좋으려나 라는 망상을 해보았. 호리에 유이는 결혼할거같은데 방도리 성우 마이너 갤러리. 일반 헐 호리에유이 결혼했다가 이혼했었네, Mirai days」의 일부 영상이 상영되며 타카하시 리에, 호리에 유이, 하야미 사오리, 키타가와 리에가 참석할 예정이다.

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성우계의 레전드 호리에 유이에 대해 알아보자. 호리에유이 젊은시절 목소리 정말 요정같아서 좋아했는데, 0 호리에 유이세키 토모카즈,히라카와 다이스케이토 시즈카 결혼 일갤러58. 기묘하게도 야마토 나데시코타무라와 호리에가 이뤘던 유닛 19992003년가 더블 표지를 장식하는 형태가 되었는데 야마토 나데시코가 활동했던 것은 10년 이상 전이다. 대표 참여작 lv2부터 치트였던 전직 용사 후보의 유유자적 이세계 라이프,highspeed étoile,괴이와 소녀와 행방불명,블루 아카이브 the animation,즉사 치트가 너무 최강이라 이세계 녀석들이 전혀 상대가 되지 않습니다만.

훗쨩 유카링도 결혼해야하지만서도 마츠키 미유도 얼른 결혼해야될텐데 말입니다. 그 후로는 호리에 유이는 그냥 전설이 되었습니다. 결혼은 예정도 상대도 없다고 아예 확인사살, 결혼 상대에게는 진심을 다해야한다며 여심에 약한 나사에게 충고하기도 한다, 2013년 현재도, 캐스팅량・히로인 비율・가수활동・예능감・인기・외모 어떤 면으로도, 그 누구에게도 뒤지지 않는 정점의 자리를 유지하고 있습니다. 2007년에, 아트비전을 떠나서 vims 소속이 되었습니다.

2013년 현재도, 캐스팅량・히로인 비율・가수활동・예능감・인기・외모 어떤 면으로도, 그 누구에게도 뒤지지 않는 정점의 자리를 유지하고 있습니다, 호리에유이 젊은시절 목소리 정말 요정같아서 좋아했는데. 게다가 오죽하면 오카자키 리츠코 사후에 발매되는 호리에 유이의 음악은 전형적인 애니송의 범주에서 벗어나지 못하고 있다는 평가까지 있을 정도로 많지는 않지만 오카자키 리츠코가 호리에 유이에게 준 곡들의 위력은 대단했다.

missvod4 Com › family › 211성우호리에 유이생일 루리웹. 2010년 제4회 성우 어워드에서 여우조연상 수상. Work › bbs › board모에워크 커뮤니티 서비스 종료 안내. 호리에 유이는 결혼할거같은데 방도리 성우 마이너 갤러리. 연관 갤러리 일본 여성성우 갤러리 타 갤러리 0 이 갤러리가 연관 갤러리로 추가한 갤러리. mingky02.met

missav.ai dm 일본 성우이야기 8 17세 교敎 네이버 블로그. 2009년부터는, 본인이 직접 작곡에 참여하는 등, 싱어송라이터로서의 진화. 2012년 4월에 가수 데뷔가 결정되었다. 이 방송을 접한 많은 사람들이 충격과 공포를 느낀다고 한다. 2011년 2월 21일 본인의 블로그에서 결혼 사실을 발표했다. missav123.ckm

missav sone968 속보 호리에유이 결혼사진 유출 오덕양성소. 2018년 10월 19일에 부천국제애니메이션페스티벌 로 특별 게스트로 호리에 유이가 대한민국 에 내한했다. 특히, 호리에 유이의 곡들은 아무리 노래 잘하는 다른 가수가 커버를 해도 도저히 어울리지 않는 것이, 정말 호리에 유이 본인만의 스타일은 확실히 존재합니다. 5차원으로 불리는데 대표적인 예로, 호리에 유이의 사랑하는 일기도와 흑장미 보존회 blue heaven 동시 발매 이벤트에서도 호리에 유이와 yuiel의 1인 2역을 하며, 대역에게 가면을 씌워 동시 출연까지 하는 기행을 벌인다. 속보 호리에유이 결혼사진 유출 오덕양성소. monsnode.com

m자 탈모 머리스타일 Com › board › view호리에 유이세키 토모카즈,히라카와 다이스케이토 시즈카 결혼 일. 특히, 호리에 유이의 곡들은 아무리 노래 잘하는 다른 가수가 커버를 해도 도저히 어울리지 않는 것이, 정말 호리에 유이 본인만의 스타일은 확실히 존재합니다. 대표 참여작 lv2부터 치트였던 전직 용사 후보의 유유자적 이세계 라이프,highspeed étoile,괴이와 소녀와 행방불명,블루 아카이브 the animation,즉사 치트가 너무 최강이라 이세계 녀석들이 전혀 상대가 되지 않습니다만. 결혼은 예정도 상대도 없다고 아예 확인사살. 2007년에, 아트비전을 떠나서 vims 소속이 되었습니다.

missav 순서 흑장미 보존회 유닛으로서 첫 animelo summer live에 출연. 23 she has been affectionately nicknamed hocchan ほっちゃん by her japanese fans. 데뷔 1997년 보이스판타지아 잃어버린 보이스파워 나스티 어렸을 때부터 애니메이션을 굉장히 좋아했다고 한다. 속보 호리에유이 결혼사진 유출 오덕양성소. Com › mgallery › board근데 호리에 유이는 왜 결혼을 안했을까요 일본 여성성우 마이너 갤.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.