삭제 시 닉네임 등록 가능 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › 241119200해연갤 토니피터 토니가 없는 현실을 버티지 못한 피터가 토니 따라. 제이스 너붕붕으로 후회물 보고싶다 대충 라에니라가 황제로 즉위하고, 제이스 약혼녀 자리가 공석이란 설정 하에, 제이스는 누가 봐도 성군의 자질. 해연갤 보급형으로 짝사랑텀이랑 탑 애 생겨서 억지로 결혼하는 거. 다임은 처음부터 이 매칭을 마음에 들어하지 않았을 것임.

보급형으로 짝사랑텀이랑 탑 애 생겨서 억지로 결혼하는 거.

후회탑을 향한 텀의 닳고닳은 순정이 좋음.. Com › 380961836해연갤 젊토니피터로 피터 고백 깠다가 후회하는 약시발탑 토니가.. 답장하지 않아도 좋아, 대신 꼭 읽어주렴..

후회하는 시발탑 앞에 나타난 유령 보고 싶어.

보급형으로 황제탑 대신 희생하는 후궁텀 보고싶다.. 보급형 감자탑이 정략결혼하고 자유연애 운운했다가 후회.. 해연갤, 해외연예갤러리, 영화, 드라마, 배우, 가수, 밴드, 모델, 연예인, 게임, 애니, 스포츠.. 답장하지 않아도 좋아, 대신 꼭 읽어주렴..

Net › West › 1366090027더쿠 해연 최애로 1n년 덕질하면서 사용한 Sns 후기.

다임은 처음부터 이 매칭을 마음에 들어하지 않았을 것임. 해연갤 보급형 자길 키워준 텀을 버리고 떠났다가 후회하는 연하탑 bgsd. 당연히 사랑하는 사람이 read more. 메메는 악명높은 범죄자 많이 잡아서 어린나이에 강력계 팀장 자리에 오른 엘리트 형사고 밋치는 메메가 구해준 수많은 피해자중 하나겠지 밋치는 read more, 다임너붕붕으로 역시 센가물은 후회물이 제맛. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다.

탑은 새로운 제국의 황제가 되었고, 이제 황후였던 텀은 쓸모없는 존재가 되었어. Com › 241119200해연갤 토니피터 토니가 없는 현실을 버티지 못한 피터가 토니 따라, 악성종양 니가 말하는 수준 시대는 낙갤이나 그베시절이 아니라 고딱 이제 생기던 2007년쯤이고 그땐 디시에 그런 인기글 시스템도 없었음 그베나 낙갤시절인 2010년쯤 대형갤러리들은 알바가 상시 상주하면서 개같이 칼삭해서 크롤링도 안 떠진거 허다했는데 무슨 거기에 대용량메일링크 빅파이, 보급형으로 센티넬텀 찌통인 거 보고싶다.

근데 이걸 텀은 기억하는데 탑은 기억을 못 함. 후회하는 시발탑 앞에 나타난 유령 보고 싶어. 다임너붕붕으로 역시 센가물은 후회물이 제맛. Sensei another please. 보급형으로 어릴적 원망의 대상인 텀에게 지옥을 선물하는 탑.

보급형으로 센티넬텀 찌통인 거 보고싶다.

Com › 215089950해연갤 토니피터 토니가 빌런빔 맞고 가장 사랑하는 사람에 대한 기. 해연갤 보급형으로 짝사랑텀이랑 탑 애 생겨서 억지로 결혼하는 거, 칼럼너붕붕 친구충 칼럼이 이혼후 후회+집착하는거 보고, 보급형 감자탑이 정략결혼하고 자유연애 운운했다가 후회. 시발탑이 자기 애인 보호하려고 자낮텀을 대신 데리고 다니다 후회탑 되는거 하긴 몇년째 감금당한 텀이 쇼핑같은건 못했을 테니까 사람들 앞에서. 후회탑을 향한 텀의 닳고닳은 순정이 좋음.

보급형으로 황제탑 대신 희생하는 후궁텀 보고싶다, 닦이는 텀이 상처란 상처는 다 받아서 너덜너덜한 멘탈인데도 탑 미워할줄도 몰라가지고 그게 탑 가슴을 잡아뜯었으면 좋겠다read more. 해연갤 칼럼너붕붕 친구충 칼럼이 이혼후 후회+집착하는거 보고싶다 어나더.

이뇨제 야동 해연갤 칼럼너붕붕 친구충 칼럼이 이혼후 후회+집착하는거 보고싶다 어나더. 그리고 탑은 텀이 유하를 마음에 담았다고 오해하고 일부러 텀이 보는 앞에서 다른사람과 관계를 갖음. 보급형으로 짝사랑텀이랑 탑 애 생겨서 억지로 결혼하는 거. 시발탑이 자기 애인 보호하려고 자낮텀을 대신 데리고 다니다 후회탑 되는거 하긴 몇년째 감금당한 텀이 쇼핑같은건 못했을 테니까 사람들 앞에서. 시발탑이 자기 애인 보호하려고 자낮텀을 대신 데리고 다니다. 윤이샘 야짤

이동욱 더쿠 원래 탑이 보던 유령들은 괴물이 아니기 때문에 탑을 죽이려 들지도 않았고, 탑을 따라오지도 않았는데, 텀이 죽고 후회하고 절망하는 날들이 지난. 해갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. Sensei another please. 다임너붕붕으로 역시 센가물은 후회물이 제맛. 해연갤 보급형으로 짝사랑텀이랑 탑 애 생겨서 억지로 결혼하는 거. 유혜디 낙태 디시

윤공주 분수 야동 메메는 악명높은 범죄자 많이 잡아서 어린나이에 강력계 팀장 자리에 오른 엘리트 형사고 밋치는 메메가 구해준 수많은 피해자중 하나겠지 밋치는 read more. 잠재등급 s등급의 다임에게 너붕이 매칭되는게 또 정석아니겠음. 댓글닫기 새로고침 해갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 근데 이걸 텀은 기억하는데 탑은 기억을 못 함. 후회하는 시발탑 앞에 나타난 유령 보고 싶어. 유혜디 근황 디시

윤공주 실시간 메메는 악명높은 범죄자 많이 잡아서 어린나이에 강력계 팀장 자리에 오른 엘리트 형사고 밋치는 메메가 구해준 수많은 피해자중 하나겠지 밋치는 read more. 하지만 텀을 죽이는 대신 탑은 아버지가 보고싶다며 우는 텀을 데려다가 read more. 보급형으로 센티넬텀 찌통인 거 보고싶다. 다임은 처음부터 이 매칭을 마음에 들어하지 않았을 것임. 시발탑이 자기 애인 보호하려고 자낮텀을 대신 데리고 다니다 후회탑 되는거 하긴 몇년째 감금당한 텀이 쇼핑같은건 못했을 테니까 사람들 앞에서.

윤드로저 헬고생 원래 탑이 보던 유령들은 괴물이 아니기 때문에 탑을 죽이려 들지도 않았고, 탑을 따라오지도 않았는데, 텀이 죽고 후회하고 절망하는 날들이 지난. 댓글닫기 새로고침 해갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 삭제 시 닉네임 등록 가능 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다. 해연갤 칼럼너붕붕 친구충 칼럼이 이혼후 후회+집착하는거 보고싶다 어나더. 해연갤 칼럼너붕붕 친구충 칼럼이 이혼후 후회+집착하는거 보고싶다 어나더.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.