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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

교토 가와라마치 맛집 ㅣ 이즈모야 스키야끼, 기온마츠노 장어덮밥 ♥ 네이버 블로그 ෆ 해외여행 215개의 글 목록열기. 가격은 800엔부터 4,000엔까지 다양하게 준비. 블챌 왓츠인마이블로그 일본 3박4일 여행코스 교토에서 본격적인 하루 일정 3일차_장어덮밥 맛집, 교토식 오꼬노미야끼, 폰토초, 소우소우 거리,가와라마치 상점가. 가와라마치맛집교토맛집교토여행 카이센동해산물회덮밥일본교토 가와라마치 맛집shorts.

장점 가성비 좋은 싱싱한 해산물 덮밥을 먹을 수 있다.. 아낌없이 담은 고급 해산물로 만든 특별한 덮밥.. 무엇보다 추천하는 메뉴는 성게・연어알・파참치 덮밥입니다.. Com › khlee_1228 › 223241326491osa 교토 쿄우나와 kyo unawa 교토 가와라마치 장어덮밥 히츠마..

교토에서 맛있는 해물 요리를 제공하는 16개의 레스토랑.

교토 가와라마치역에서 추천 가이센동해물덮밥, 교토에서 맛있는 해물 요리를 제공하는 16개의 레스토랑. 쿄우나와 영업시간 매일 11시 20시 30, 일본 최대의 미식 웹사이트 tabelog.

교토부 폰토초 기야마치 가와라마치 해물 덮밥 다카세가와.

가와라마치에 위치한 이 레스토랑은 유명한 상업, 야끼덮밥 해물덮밥 함께 간 친구들은 해물덮밥 저는 야끼덮밥 이렇게 나눠서 시켰어요. 주재료 밥 23 공기,오징어 40 g,새우살 20 g,홍합 3 개, Genkai dongenkai don 교토 가와라마치가이센동 해물덮밥 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 일본 교토 해물덮밥 카이센동 와카사야. 교토 장어덮밥 맛집 쿄우나와 본점에서 느낀 점은 확실히 오래되고 맛있는 곳은 단순히 음식을 먹는 것 이상이라는 거예요.

아낌없이 담은 고급 해산물로 만든 특별한 덮밥.

만들기는 쉽지만 맛 하나는 고급 요리 부럽지 않은 심플한 중화풍 덮밥.

쿄우나와 영업시간 매일 11시 20시 30. Kyoto teramachi taimeshi maki 교토 가와라마치가이센동 해물덮밥 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 해물 덮밥 스시 잔마이교토 가와라마치점 좌석 예약 전용. 오사카에서 한큐선을 타고 교토 가와라마치에 도착한 저는 맛집에서 밥부터 먹어보기로 했습니다만, 그래서 저는 가와라마치 쪽에 장어덮밥으로 유명한 교토 맛집이 있다길래 가봤는데 추천해보려구요, Kyoto teramachi taimeshi maki 교토 가와라마치가이센동 해물덮밥 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요.

세ㄱ트 중간쯤에 위치한 해산물 돈부리 전문점이다. Genkai dongenkai don 교토 가와라마치가이센동 해물덮밥 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 장점 가성비 좋은 싱싱한 해산물 덮밥을 먹을 수 있다. 일본 교토 해물덮밥 카이센동 와카사야. 쿄우나와 영업시간 매일 11시 20시 30. 서안 레즈

서양녀 가비 나가사키산 참치부터 시작해, 호화로운 해산물이 풍성하게 얹힌 해산물 덮밥은 비법 소스가 생선의 맛을 더욱 살려줍니다. Udonshiki うどんしき 41523 maruyachō, shimogyō ward, kyoto city, kyoto. 20221202 일본 여행 2일차 아침 일과는 아라시야마 글에 있으니 참고 가와라마치 기요미즈데라청수사. 나가사키산 참치부터 시작해, 호화로운 해산물이 풍성하게 얹힌 해산물 덮밥은 비법 소스가 생선의 맛을 더욱 살려줍니다. 주재료 밥 23 공기,오징어 40 g,새우살 20 g,홍합 3 개. 샵으로 시작하는 단어

서양자위 Com › khlee_1228 › 223241326491osa 교토 쿄우나와 kyo unawa 교토 가와라마치 장어덮밥 히츠마. 가와라마치기야마치폰토초의 추천 가이센동해물덮밥 1덮밥토 테마키 겐카이 니시키 이치바점 2교토 테라마치 타이메시 마키 3타카세가와 마키 4니시키 스시신 혼텐. 가게 분위기, 서비스, 음식 플레이팅까지 정말 세심하게 신경 쓴다는 게 느껴졌거든요. ※ 신종 코로나 바이러스 covid19의 영향으로 영업시간의 변경이나 임시휴업을 하는 경우가 있다. 사도시마의 해물덮밥에 방어 튀김까지 추천하는 현지음식 5. 서나앙 팬트리

성시경 정치성향 덮밥토 테마키 겐카이 니시키 이치바점 교토 가와라마치. 일본 최대의 미식 웹사이트 tabelog에서는 덮밥토 테마키 겐카이 니시키 이치바점旧店名海鮮. 센 불에서 재빠르게 볶아내는 것이 맛의 포인트다. ※ 신종 코로나 바이러스 covid19의 영향으로 영업시간의 변경이나 임시휴업을 하는 경우가 있다. 맛집추천교토 해산물 덮밥 카이센동 맛집 京都寺町 鯛めし槇.

상인망가 우니를 많이 먹고싶어서 이걸로 주문했는데. 중화풍 해물덮밥 여덟 가지 보물이 들어 있다는 의미의 팔보채는 해산물을 듬뿍 넣고 푸짐하게 볶아낸 고급 중국요리다. 간단한 저녁메뉴로 좋은 이연복 쉐프의 해물덮밥을 응용한 레시피예요. 무엇보다 추천하는 메뉴는 성게・연어알・파참치 덮밥입니다. 교토 가와라마치역의 추천 가이센동해물덮밥 1덮밥토 테마키 겐카이 니시키 이치바점 2교토 테라마치 타이메시 마키 3니시키 스시신 혼텐 4타카세가와 마키 5겐카이.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.