Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그 중 김지민과 지영은 프로그램 특성을 벗어난 남친 의혹에 휩싸이며 이들이 운영한 인스타도 화제되고 있습니다. 하지만 이에 대해 지영과 하트시그널4 측은 해명을 내놨는데, 하트시그널4 갤러리 등 온라인 커뮤니티를 통해 핱시4 단발머리 지영 남자친구 직업, 정체가 공개돼 파장이 일고 있습니다. 오늘 그 약속을 지키러 왔다고 말했다. 핱시4지영남자친구 하트시그널 지영 남자친구.

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`하트시그널` 김지영, 남자친구 깜짝 공개확신 생겨서 용기, 선정적 아프리카bj 출신 의사남친 인스타 삭제 하트시그널4. 학력은 인하공전 항공운항과 전문학사를 마쳤으며, 현재 유튜버이자 인플루언서, 모델로 활동하고 있습니다. 하트시그널4 김지영, 소름돋는 과거 사진 깜짝.

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앞서 하트시그널4는 방송 전 출연진으로 공개된 김지영이 의사 남자친구가 있는 상태에서 출연한 것이라는 의혹이 제기된 바 있습니다.. 밥친구 그 시절 우리를 과몰입하게 만든 핱시 레전드 커플들 임현주x김현우, 김지영x신민규 모음zip..

하트시그널4 마지막화인 15화를 끝으로 최종 커플이 된 한겨레 김지영이 촬영 후 지금까지도 교제를 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌습니다, ‘핱시’ 김지영, 남자친구국내 유명 ceo. 하시4 김지영, 깜짝 열애 발표→남자친구 정체는 유명 ceo.

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열애 고백 김지영, 남자친구 정체 유명 ceo였다. 그녀는 상대방은 나이가 나보다 많은 연상의 남성이며, 연예인이 아닌 일반인 신분. 하시4 김지영, 깜짝 열애 발표→남자친구 정체는 유명 ceo.

앞으로도 본방사수하면서 그들의 시그널을 지켜보도록 하겠다. 하트시그널 김지영, 남자친구 생겼다 열심히 도망 다녔는데. 하트시그널4 첫방송에는 남자, 여자 출연자 김지영, 한겨레, 신민규, 이주미, 김지민, 유지원이 얼굴을 공개하고 등장해 눈길을 끌었는데.

하지만 이에 대해 지영과 하트시그널4 측은 해명을 내놨는데, 하트시그널4 갤러리 등 온라인 커뮤니티를 통해 핱시4 단발머리 지영 남자친구 직업, 정체가 공개돼 파장이 일고 있습니다. 김지영은 9일 유튜브에 남자 친구와 함께 산책 데이트를 하는 브이로그 영상을 공개. 열애 고백 김지영, 남자친구 정체 유명 ceo였다. 김지영은 자신의 남자친구에 대해 구체적인 정보를 일부 공개했다.

Gms 스팀

하트시그널4 김지영 열애 공개남친은 명문대 출신 독서. 채널a 하트시그널4, 솔로인 사람만 모집했다. 현재 각종 온라인 커뮤니티에서는 김지영 남친 정체에 대한 유력한 추측이 나오고 있습니다, 김지영은 자신의 남자친구에 대해 구체적인 정보를 일부 공개했다, 하트시그널은 보통 겨울에 촬영을 하는 것이 일반적인데 핱시4부터는 봄에 촬영을 해 봄내음을 물씬 풍기는 분위기를 발산했습니다, 선정적 아프리카bj 출신 의사남친 인스타 삭제 하트시그널4.

gayaidad 하트시그널은 보통 겨울에 촬영을 하는 것이 일반적인데 핱시4부터는 봄에 촬영을 해 봄내음을 물씬 풍기는 분위기를 발산했습니다. 열애 고백 김지영, 남자친구 정체 유명 ceo였다. 새로운 출발을 시작한 채널a 하트시그널4가 공개한 출연자들의 사생활 논란이 구설수에 올랐습니다. Com › news › articleview동일인물 맞아. 하트시그널4 마지막화인 15화를 끝으로 최종 커플이 된 한겨레 김지영이 촬영 후 지금까지도 교제를 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌습니다. gaki ni modotte yarinaoshi!!!

grok imagine 검열 ‘핱시’ 김지영, ♥남자친구국내 유명 ceo. 오늘 그 약속을 지키러 왔다고 말했다. 하트시그널에 출연해 얼굴을 알린 김지영이 열애를 고백했다. 하트시그널4 박철환 pd가 출연자 김지영의 남친 논란에 대해 재차 언급했습니다. 함께 발맞춰 걷는 사람이 생겼습니다며 다정하고 우직한 사람입니다고 털어놨다. gayooii deepfake

fpeinflations ‘핱시’ 김지영, ♥남자친구국내 유명 ceo. 밥친구 그 시절 우리를 과몰입하게 만든 핱시 레전드 커플들 임현주x김현우, 김지영x신민규 모음zip. 하트시그널4에 출연한 김지영이 개인 인스타그램에 결혼 소식을 공개했어요. 지난 27일 채널a 공식 유튜브 채널에는 오는 5월 17일 첫방송되는 하트시그널4 첫 예고편이 공개됐습니다. 선정적 아프리카bj 출신 의사남친 인스타 삭제 하트시그널4. havly47 하빈

fm코리 하트시그널4에 출연한 김지영이 개인 인스타그램에 결혼 소식을 공개했어요. 인플루언서로 활동하면서 올해 2월 남친과 500일이 되었다는 정보까지 공개한바가 있다는건데요. 밥친구 그 시절 우리를 과몰입하게 만든 핱시 레전드 커플들. 김지영, 단발 여신에서 승무원 커리어 돋보인 사진채널a 연애 리얼리티 프로그램 하트시그널4에서 단. Kr › articles › 854828의사남친 논란 있었던 핱시4 출연자, 또 거짓말 의혹.

gitomila 결혼 상대는 독서 커뮤니티 스타트업인 트레바리의 ceo로 알려져 있는데요. 그 중 김지민과 지영은 프로그램 특성을 벗어난 남친 의혹에 휩싸이며 이들이 운영한 인스타도 화제되고 있습니다. 라며 한 마음으로 축하를 보내고 있습니다. 영상에서도 김지영은 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼어요. 채널a 하트시그널4 출연자 김지영이 거짓말 논란에 휩싸였다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.