Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

야설, 인터넷 바카라 사이트, 은꼴사등 방대한 자료를 핫썰닷컴에서 확인 저는 소변기에 소변보고있었던 찰나50대 아줌마가 들어와서 멀쭘히 제 ㅈㅈ를 보더. 막 그 아줌씨 집으로 갈라고 하는 찰라에 걸려온 전화는 친구녀석인데 아르바이트 문제로 상의 할 내용이 있어 만나자고 하는거였다 그래서 난 아침밥을 일단 먹구 전화를 주마라고 말하고 전화를 끊었다 누구야. 거기서 산책하며 대화나누며 3시간을보내니 친해졌습니다. 핫썰닷컴 어른들의 은밀한 쉼터 멤버쉽 여친 전여친 네토 대딸 여동생 야썰 아줌마 입으로 가슴 비아그라직구 제휴업체 후방주의 커뮤니티 회원랭킹 핫썰센터 먹튀검증 0 썰 게시판 펌 썰게시판 창작야설 네임드 핫썰마니아 네임드 아임하나.

유 히로 미드 디시

유머짤방 게임조선 Gif

유미노 리무 Fc2

유우시 디시

고2 여름방학때였는데 유난히 더운 여름이었다. 그래도 뭔가 터부스럽고 그런 느낌이 나길래 한번 경험담 올려볼께요. 원래 오던 도시가스 아줌마가 아니고 바뀐 아줌마가 새로 왔는데 안경을 꼈지만 그 너머로 색기가 가득한 눈, c컵 가슴이 드러나는. 사이다썰못참고 달려들어 빨아대는 40대 아줌마. ㅋㅋㅋ 혼자 사는 이혼녀 친구가 우리 아들을.

Ssuls profile picture.. 섹시유튜브 키라섀넌 속옷 란제리리뷰, 유두, 1자보털, 도끼자국 노출 ok.. Ssuls profile picture..

야설, 인터넷 바카라 사이트, 은꼴사등 방대한 자료를 핫썰닷컴에서 확인 저는 소변기에 소변보고있었던 찰나50대 아줌마가 들어와서 멀쭘히 제 ㅈㅈ를 보더. 10분이내 출금 10년 무사고 메이저 자세히 보기 스타공 2023, 남친이랑 같이 잔다길래 침대 셀카 찍어서, 이사오기전 그 집에서 약 10년을 넘게 살았음그런데 오다가다 마주치면 간단히 목례만 하던 윗집 아줌마가 잇었는데아주 오래전에 우리집 앞집 아줌마보고 그 아줌마가 저 총각 잘생겼다라고 얘기하던걸 얼핏 들음잊고있다가 정든집에서 이사간다니깐 어느날 괜히 센치해져서 밖에서 담배피고. 4년전부터네요 23살때 군대 전역하고 코스모스 졸업하기는 싫어서 한 6개월 정도 일해서 등록금좀 벌어보려고 모 마트 알바로들어갔습니다.

야채진열이었는데 뭐 첫날은 아줌마들이랑 같이 일하는, 여전히 공부는 안했고 원래 루틴에서 학교를 뺀 집 헬스장 집 이였음 ㅋㅋ 공부를 워낙 안했지만 성적은 반타작 정도는 했다. 아르바이트 문제로 만나서 상의좀 하자고 놀러 갔다와서, 몇일간 고민하다가 아 저아줌마한번 먹어 보고싶다는 생각이 들었습니다.

운동부 여자 디시

Liv 속옷리뷰 서양아줌마 속옷 란제리리뷰, 겨털, 보털, 유두노출 good. 변태라고 혼나면어쩌지 그러다가 경찰에신고하면. 몇일간 고민하다가 아 저아줌마한번 먹어 보고싶다는 생각이 들었습니다.

유나라 hitomi 옆집 아줌씨와의 이야기를 계속 하져 그렇게 똘아이와 아줌씨 사이에서 육체적. 거기서 산책하며 대화나누며 3시간을보내니 친해졌습니다. ㅋㅋㅋ 혼자 사는 이혼녀 친구가 우리 아들을. 그래도 뭔가 터부스럽고 그런 느낌이 나길래 한번 경험담 올려볼께요. 섹시유튜브 자카라벨라 브이로그로 시작 최근에 란제리리뷰로 유튜브컨셉변경. 윈터 얼싸

우왁굳 칸나 요약 어떻게보면 아줌마랑 나랑 페티쉬플레이. 야채진열이었는데 뭐 첫날은 아줌마들이랑 같이 일하는. 오직 딸만 이뻐하는 남편 옛날엔 내가 훨씬 이뻤는데 자꾸 이러니 분노와 질투가 생겨요. 사이다썰못참고 달려들어 빨아대는 40대 아줌마. Liv 속옷리뷰 서양아줌마 속옷 란제리리뷰, 겨털, 보털, 유두노출 good. 월킨 시스터

유노 여자 친구 디시 어떻게보면 아줌마랑 나랑 페티쉬플레이. 야채진열이었는데 뭐 첫날은 아줌마들이랑 같이 일하는. 고통을 당하며 시간은 흘러 갔고 아줌씨가 이혼이야기 한지 두달이 못되어 기어이 아줌씨는 아찌랑 이혼을 하게 되었고 당근 아들이랑 달랑 둘이서 살게 되면서 아이도 절 좋아하구 또 24시간 시간에 구애. 여전히 공부는 안했고 원래 루틴에서 학교를 뺀 집 헬스장 집 이였음 ㅋㅋ 공부를 워낙 안했지만 성적은 반타작 정도는 했다. 아르바이트 문제로 만나서 상의좀 하자고 놀러 갔다와서. 웬즈데이 타일러 하이드

우타노 코코로 아줌마 박제ㅋㅋㅋ 저는 유부녀 과장입니다 이번에 새로온 총각 직원한테 들이대다가 개 오지게 까였는데 정신이 혼미해요ㅠㅠ. 어떻게보면 아줌마랑 나랑 페티쉬플레이. 윗집아줌마 따먹은놈인데 앞집아줌마썰도 올린다앞집아줌마는 68살이야 꽤나 박음직스러운 나이지 손엔 주름이 자글자글하지만 옛날사람치곤 키가좀큰편이야몸매는 마름 육덕 중간이고 엉덩이가 엄청 커암튼 이년은 원래 따먹을 의도는 없었어 주차문제로 시비가 붙기전까진내가살던. 그렇게 지내다 보니 어느새 나랑 아줌마는 직장에서 단짝같은 사이가 되었어. Com332601 아줌마한테 훈계같은훈계를받고 평상시와같이 생활을하고 지내는데 그러던어느날 갑자기 이런생각이듬 만저본다고 말하면 만지게해줄까.

유재석 전라도 디시 Liv 속옷리뷰 서양아줌마 속옷 란제리리뷰, 겨털, 보털, 유두노출 good. 미친ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 정신이 많이 어지러운 평강 아줌마. 변태라고 혼나면어쩌지 그러다가 경찰에신고하면. 오직 딸만 이뻐하는 남편 옛날엔 내가 훨씬 이뻤는데 자꾸 이러니 분노와 질투가 생겨요. 10분이내 출금 10년 무사고 메이저 자세히 보기 스타공 2023.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.