US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
박명수 아내 한수민 씨는 2일 자신의 소셜미디어에 날아라 노랑. 박명수 아내 한수민이 자신의 인스타그램을 통해 딸 민서양의 선화예고 합격 소식을 알렸다. 박명수 와이프로 유명한 한의사 한수민 씨가 호스트바 출입 논란으로 세간이 들썩거렸다. 머메이드 멜로디 피치피치핏치의 등장인물에 대한 내용은 미츠키 타로 문서를, 동명이인의 축구선수에 대한 내용은 한수민 축구선수 문서를 참고하십시오.
10일 한림예고 관계자에 따르면 아일릿의 원희는 실용음악과, 이즈나의 유사랑은 실용무용과에 합격해 본교에서 한림연예예술고등학교로 전학을 간다.. 박명수의 아내 한수민씨는 1978년생으로 올해 나이 44세입니다.. 이 블로그 유머, 이슈, 뉴스 카테고리 글 전체글 보기 legend의 콩 저금통.. 22살에 군제대하자마자 할거 없어서 이것저것 찾다가 호스트바 구인광고를 보고 키 178이상만 read more..부인이 손해는 오바아닌가 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 서로 잘 만났다고 생각하긴하는데 한수민만한 의사는 많지만 박명수만한 인지도와 수입 가진 개그맨은 얼마 안될텐데. 박명수 아내 한수민 씨는 2일 자신의 소셜미디어에 날아라 노랑. Jpg 인스티즈 instiz 이슈 카테. 박명수 아내 한수민이 자신의 인스타그램을 통해 딸 민서양의 선화예고 합격 소식을 알렸다, 본론으로 들어가서 제가 호스트바만 4년정도했습니다. 작년같은데 그래서 갑자기 활동 조용해지고 와이프도 외국으로 갔을걸 애랑. 한수민 원장이 무한도전에 출연했을 당시 동안 외모만큼이나 피부과 의사라는 성공한 커리어에 따른 연봉은 또 도대체 얼마나 받는지 등이 큰 화제가 되기도 했습니다. Com › board › view호빠한테 협박당한 연예인 와이프 부동산 갤러리. Sns 갈무리 서울뉴스1 소봄이 기자 개그맨 박명수가 의사 아내 한수민과의 첫 키스를 회상하며 사랑꾼 면모를 뽐냈다.
Com › board › view박명수 아내 호스트빠 출입했다가 협박당한적 있었네 컴퓨터 본체. 부인 외모되고 학벌되고 직업 의사에 집안까지 잘사는 여자임 ㅋㅋㅋ근데 박명수가 퐁퐁. 박명수 조건존나 따지며 소개팅한거고 의사에 꽂혀서결혼한건데 퐁퐁. 22살에 군제대하자마자 할거 없어서 이것저것 찾다가 호스트바 구인광고를 보고 키 178이상만 read more.
10일 한림예고 관계자에 따르면 아일릿의 원희는 실용음악과, 이즈나의 유사랑은 실용무용과에 합격해 본교에서 한림연예예술고등학교로 전학을 간다.. 박명수 조건존나 따지며 소개팅한거고read more.. Mbn 뉴스빅5 언론사에 알리겠다유명인 부인 협박 호스트바 男 종업원 실형 출연 최은미 mbn 기자 최진봉 성공회대 교수 손수호 변호사..
Sns 갈무리 서울뉴스1 소봄이 기자 개그맨 박명수가 의사 아내 한수민과의 첫 키스를 회상하며 사랑꾼 면모를 뽐냈다, 이혼 안하고 어쨌든 잘사나봄 유튜버 故 김웅서 동거녀 녹취록 공개에 ‘충격’오늘 안 죽을거지, 호스트바 출신 남성과 교제를 하던 도중, 호스트바 선수는 한수민 씨가 박명수의 와이프라는 사실을 알아내고 한수민 씨와 박명수 씨의 결혼 사진까지 보내며 협박을 했다.
스타인뉴스 양경모 기자 개그맨 겸 방송인 박명수 딸 박민서의 근황이 전해졌다. 부인이 손해는 오바아닌가 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 서로 잘 만났다고 생각하긴하는데 한수민만한 의사는 많지만 박명수만한 인지도와 수입 가진 개그맨은 얼마 안될텐데, 박명수 아내 한수민은 31일 인스타그램에 민서가 1학년 1학기 2학기 모두 장학증서를 받아왔어요장학금도 같이라며. 상대가 여성이라는 점에 초점을 맞춘 것이 아니라 아이를 양육하는 부모라는 점에 초점을 맞춘거니까요. 작년같은데 그래서 갑자기 활동 조용해지고 와이프도 외국으로 갔을걸 애랑.
박명수 와이프로 유명한 한의사 한수민 씨가 호스트바 출입 논란으로 세간이 들썩거렸다, 박명수 조건존나 따지며 소개팅한거고 의사에 꽂혀서결혼한건데 퐁퐁. 상대가 여성이라는 점에 초점을 맞춘 것이 아니라 아이를 양육하는 부모라는 점에 초점을 맞춘거니까요. 박명수 와이프로 유명한 한의사 한수민 씨가 호스트바 출입 논란으로 세간이 들썩거렸다. 유명 연예인이라는데아내가 호빠 다니다 협박당했다는데 심정은 참 ㅈ같을듯.
이혼 안하고 어쨌든 잘사나봄 유튜버 故 김웅서 동거녀 녹취록 공개에 ‘충격’오늘 안 죽을거지, 019년 한수민은 호스트바 선수에게 협박당한 사실이 알려집니다. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ사회에서 명망있는직업에 한달에 몇천만 버는데 퐁퐁. 박명수 아내 한수민이 자신의 인스타그램을 통해 딸 민서양의 선화예고 합격 소식을 알렸다, 대형 틱톡 라이브 에이전시 회사가 틱톡과의 계약이 해지되는 사건이 일어났습니다.
서울뉴시스전재경 기자 개그맨 박명수 딸 박민서16 양의 근황이 공개됐다, 현대고등학교 10회 졸업 고려대학교 의과대학 의학 학사, 박명수 조건존나 따지며 소개팅한거고read more. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다3번째. Mbn 뉴스빅5 언론사에 알리겠다유명인 부인 협박 호스트바 男 종업원 실형 출연 최은미 mbn 기자 최진봉 성공회대 교수 손수호 변호사. Com › board › view박명수 아내 호스트빠 출입했다가 협박당한적 있었네 컴퓨터 본체.
현대고등학교 10회 졸업 고려대학교 의과대학 의학 학사, 박명수 아내 한수민은 31일 인스타그램에 민서가 1학년 1학기 2학기 모두 장학증서를 받아왔어요장학금도 같이라며. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다3번째.
박명수의 아내 한수민씨는 1978년생으로 올해 나이 44세입니다. 머메이드 멜로디 피치피치핏치의 등장인물에 대한 내용은 미츠키 타로 문서를, 동명이인의 축구선수에 대한 내용은 한수민 축구선수 문서를 참고하십시오, 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다3번째sn, 유명 연예인이라는데아내가 호빠 다니다 협박당했다는데 심정은 참 ㅈ같을듯. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다, 내용 없음 애아빠는 술담배 되고 애엄마는 안 된다는 얘기가 아닌 것 같아요.
사바 디시 이혼 안하고 어쨌든 잘사나봄 유튜버 故 김웅서 동거녀 녹취록 공개에 ‘충격’오늘 안 죽을거지. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다3번째. 대형 틱톡 라이브 에이전시 회사가 틱톡과의 계약이 해지되는 사건이 일어났습니다. 10일 한림예고 관계자에 따르면 아일릿의 원희는 실용음악과, 이즈나의 유사랑은 실용무용과에 합격해 본교에서 한림연예예술고등학교로 전학을 간다. 사네 기유 디시
빌리 헤링턴 짤 22살에 군제대하자마자 할거 없어서 이것저것 찾다가 호스트바 구인광고를 보고 키 178이상만 read more. 현대고등학교 10회 졸업 고려대학교 의과대학 의학 학사. 스타인뉴스 양경모 기자 개그맨 겸 방송인 박명수 딸 박민서의 근황이 전해졌다. 현대고등학교 10회 졸업 고려대학교 의과대학 의학 학사. 머메이드 멜로디 피치피치핏치의 등장인물에 대한 내용은 미츠키 타로 문서를, 동명이인의 축구선수에 대한 내용은 한수민 축구선수 문서를 참고하십시오. 블라인드 만남 후기
사 나고 논란 22살에 군제대하자마자 할거 없어서 이것저것 찾다가 호스트바 구인광고를 보고 키 178이상만 read more. 작년같은데 그래서 갑자기 활동 조용해지고 와이프도 외국으로 갔을걸 애랑. 10일 한림예고 관계자에 따르면 아일릿의 원희는 실용음악과, 이즈나의 유사랑은 실용무용과에 합격해 본교에서 한림연예예술고등학교로 전학을 간다. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ사회에서 명망있는직업에 한달에 몇천만 버는데 퐁퐁. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다. 비비안 루비 얼굴 디시
빌리 아일리시 몸매 10일 한림예고 관계자에 따르면 아일릿의 원희는 실용음악과, 이즈나의 유사랑은 실용무용과에 합격해 본교에서 한림연예예술고등학교로 전학을 간다. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다. 단독 박명수 아내 한수민 스타벅스 건물 137억에 또 샀다. 부인이 손해는 오바아닌가 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 서로 잘 만났다고 생각하긴하는데 한수민만한 의사는 많지만 박명수만한 인지도와 수입 가진 개그맨은 얼마 안될텐데. ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ사회에서 명망있는직업에 한달에 몇천만 버는데 퐁퐁.
비떱 업소 부인 외모되고 학벌되고 직업 의사에 집안까지 잘사는 여자임 ㅋㅋㅋ근데 박명수가 퐁퐁. 박명수 아내 호스트빠 출입했다가 협박당한적 있었네. 박명수 아내 호스트빠 출입했다가 협박당한적 있었네. 내용 없음 애아빠는 술담배 되고 애엄마는 안 된다는 얘기가 아닌 것 같아요. 지난 2019년, 박명수 아내인 한수민 씨가 강남의 호스트바에서 30대 남성과 만남을 가졌다는 소문이 흐르기 시작했다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.