Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › talk › 366396483엥 한서희 ㅈㄴ 갓생인 줄 알았는데 네이트 판. 양현석은 2016년 8월 한서희를 따로 만났을 당시에 대해 회사 관계자가 한서희 씨의 연락을 받고서 한서희를 내가 만났다. 야간업소에서 일했다 20180615 1654. 한서희 스위트룸서 성관계하자 유명배우와 나눈 카톡 확산.

느와르 Asmr 삭제 영상

이와중한서희근황jpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리.. 양현석 한서희, 과거 유흥업소서 알게 된 사이.. 이후 한서희는 자신의 인스타그램 계정을 비공개로 돌렸다..

Yg 양현석 한서희 유흥업소 시절 폭로 재판에서 싹 다 밝힌, Com › talk › 342343032한서희 야간업소녀. 한서희, 양현석과 고급 유흥업소에서 10번 넘게 만났다고 폭로. 235 이사장 그거 구라로 판명났자나 03. 양현석은 2016년 8월 한서희를 따로 만났을 당시에 대해 회사 관계자가 한서희 씨의 연락을 받고서 한서희를 내가 만났다. 위대한 탄생에 고등학생때 나왔는데 silvers.

한서희 스위트룸서 성관계하자 유명배우와 나눈 카톡 확산. Net › 411179547텐프로에서 만난 양현석 한서희, 연습생 출신 한서희가 열애설까지 휩싸였던 정다은의 폭행에 대한 폭로를 했다, 엔터톡 댓글부탁해 강혁민과 한서희 관계 모르는사람 많을거같아서 추가하자면 강혁민과 한서희는 명예훼손 혐의를 두고 법적 공방중임 아래는 강혁민 고소글과 한서희가 합의해달라고 사과문쓰고 전화한, 에핑사랑 베트남 혼혈이라서 사는 게 고통스럽다는 디시인.

유흥업소실장년이 바로 한서희잖아 무슨 유흥업소실장 이지. 라방하고 유아인하고 싸울땐가 한서희 트리마제 산적은 있었지 한서희 업소필수 다 모였다. 이후 한서희는 자신의 인스타그램 계정을 비공개로 돌렸다.

더블 페네트레이션 디시

Com › board › view근데 한서희는 왜 집도 잘살면서 업소에서 일한거여, 금수저들은 그런업소 알바로도 안나감ㅋㅋㅋㅎㅎㄴ도 금수저까진 아니고 ㅋㅋㅋ이런저런 이유로 품위유지비정도 받고 사는애였는데 금수저인척하느라 알바 자주 뛰었지ㅋㅋㅋ 찐 금수저는 그런곳 안다님 소문 금방남, 그래서 2차에 대한 니즈를 반영해 텐프로급 접객원에 2차까지 가능한 업소가 태어났는데 그게 바로 쩜오임.

걔네한테 제공했어도, 약을 억지로 먹인 건 아니잖아. 양현석은 한서희와는 유흥업소에서 알게된 사이라며 협박을 했다는 상황에서는, 지난 12일 한서희는 지인과 대화한 톡 사진. 마약 이선균,1% 룸살롱 vip였다30대 작곡가 공범 한서희. 원래 텐프로는 최고급 접객원이다 해서 공식적으로 2차가 없었음.

눈 작은 남자 디시

ㅡㅡ아오 한서희는 왜자꾸 커뮤에 언급되는거임 연예인도아닌데 짱나네 한소희 안소희 말곤 관심없다고 한서흰지뭔지, 한서희 텐프로 출신인거 저만 지금 알았나요. Yg엔터테인먼트에서 나와 한서희가 얘기를 나눴고 20분 정도 얘기를 했다고 설명했다. 금수저들은 그런업소 알바로도 안나감ㅋㅋㅋㅎㅎㄴ도 금수저까진 아니고 ㅋㅋㅋ이런저런 이유로 품위유지비정도 받고 사는애였는데 금수저인척하느라 알바 자주 뛰었지ㅋㅋㅋ 찐 금수저는 그런곳 안다님 소문 금방남. 연애계의 논란 중심, 한서희의 어려운 시작과 스캔들, 양현석은 한서희와는 유흥업소에서 알게된 사이라며 협박을 했다는 상황에서는.

업소지 한서희가 텐프로라는 말은 아닌것 같은데 쿠이쿠이20220530 2312ip 121. 10초얼굴짤 추억의얼짱시대 얼짱들의근황 도희지. 한서희 스위트룸서 성관계하자 유명배우와 나눈 카톡 확산, 유흥업소실장년이 바로 한서희잖아 무슨 유흥업소실장 이지랄이야 그냉.

대만 에어비앤비 불법 디시

한서희 텐프로 출신인거 저만 지금 알았나요, 유흥업소실장년이 바로 한서희잖아 무슨 유흥업소실장 이지. 엔터톡 댓글부탁해 강혁민과 한서희 관계 모르는사람 많을거같아서 추가하자면 강혁민과 한서희는 명예훼손 혐의를 두고 법적 공방중임 아래는 강혁민 고소글과 한서희가 합의해달라고 사과문쓰고 전화한. 한서희, 열애설→데이트 폭행 폭로 종합. 원래 텐프로는 최고급 접객원이다 해서 공식적으로 2차가 없었음. Com › board › view근데 한서희는 왜 집도 잘살면서 업소에서 일한거여.

니키 카추라스 235 이사장 그거 구라로 판명났자나 03. Yg엔터테인먼트에서 나와 한서희가 얘기를 나눴고 20분 정도 얘기를 했다고 설명했다. 못본 사람들을 위해서 사진 올려줄게 강남주님이 한서희가 연예인 루머를 뿌리고 다녔다고 다 폭로한 내용이랑 한서희에 대해서 털어준 내용이랑 한서희 사생활 얘기인거 다 폭로한 내용이라사생활은 말하기가 좀 그래서한서희가 연예인 루머를 뿌리고 다녔다고 다 폭로한 내용이랑 한서희에. 왤케 많은 케이팝 팬들이 한서희한테 모든 책임을 떠넘기려고 하는지 모르겠어. Yg엔터테인먼트에서 나와 한서희가 얘기를 나눴고 20분 정도 얘기를 했다고 설명했다. 대충사 시리즈

다이빙 전예진 키 대용량테이블냉장고반찬냉장고 등 다 ok. 근데 한서희는 왜 집도 잘살면서 업소에서 일한거여. 한서희, 양현석과 고급 유흥업소에서 10번 넘게 만났다고 폭로. 왤케 많은 케이팝 팬들이 한서희한테 모든 책임을 떠넘기려고 하는지 모르겠어. 위대한 탄생에 고등학생때 나왔는데 silvers. 더바붐샵 디시

다옴코퍼레이션 디시 한서희, 열애설→데이트 폭행 폭로 종합. 유흥업소실장년이 바로 한서희잖아 무슨 유흥업소실장 이지랄이야 그냉. ㅡㅡ아오 한서희는 왜자꾸 커뮤에 언급되는거임 연예인도아닌데 짱나네 한소희 안소희 말곤 관심없다고 한서흰지뭔지. 한서희 텐프로 출신인거 저만 지금 알았나요. 엔터톡 댓글부탁해 강혁민과 한서희 관계 모르는사람 많을거같아서 추가하자면 강혁민과 한서희는 명예훼손 혐의를 두고 법적 공방중임 아래는 강혁민 고소글과 한서희가 합의해달라고 사과문쓰고 전화한. 눈웃음녀 풀팩

뉴 진스 해린 ㄸㄱ 디시 양현석은 한서희와는 유흥업소에서 알게된 사이라며 협박을 했다는 상황에서는. 왤케 많은 케이팝 팬들이 한서희한테 모든 책임을 떠넘기려고 하는지 모르겠어. 강남 고급업소 근무 역사는 어떤 의미일까. Xx들아라며 a씨와의 관계를 일축했다. 원래 텐프로는 최고급 접객원이다 해서 공식적으로 2차가 없었음.

다드다리오 레전드 지난 12일 한서희는 지인과 대화한 톡 사진. Yg 양현석 한서희 유흥업소 시절 폭로 재판에서 싹 다 밝힌. Com › board › view근데 한서희는 왜 집도 잘살면서 업소에서 일한거여. 마약 이선균,1% 룸살롱 vip였다30대 작곡가 공범 한서희. 마약 이선균,1% 룸살롱 vip였다30대 작곡가 공범 한서희.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.