하지원 hajiwon 싱가포르 싱가폴 singapore 여행 여행스타그램 내셔널갤러리싱가폴.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

강소라는 최근 자신의 인스타그램에 열공중 이은조 은쪼리 이변호사 동네변호사조들호라는 글과 더불어 한 장의. 엑스포츠뉴스김유진 기자 배우 하정우와 하지원이 국가대표급 매력을 발산한 화보가 공개됐다. 4인조 다국적 신인 걸그룹 타이니지의 멤버 도희가 하지원 닮은꼴이라는 별칭을 얻었다. 도희 하지원 닮은꼴 2초 하지원 누구야.

배우 하지원 이승기 윤제문 이윤지 조정석이 참석했다.

로맨스 패키지 104호, 하지원 닮은꼴 등장에 폭풍 질문.

강렬한 눈매와 오뚝한 콧날, 도톰한 입술은 배우 하지원의 모습을 연상시키 팬들로부터.. 하지원, 이진욱이 주연을 맡은 너를 사랑한 시간은 인생의 반을 사랑보다 먼 우정보다는 가까운 ‘연애불가’ 상태로 지내온 오하나 하지원 분..

드라마 전원일기 의 성실한 장남에서부터 카리스마 있는 재벌 회장, 아내에게 약한 공처가 남편 등 다양한 역할들을 소화, 쥬얼리 예원 하지원 닮은꼴로 악플 4천개 받고 데뷔. 로맨스 패키지 104호, 하지원 닮은꼴 등장에 폭풍 질문. 박준금에 따르면 이 사진은 1982년 kbs 주말극 순애를 마, 하지원, 이진욱이 주연을 맡은 너를 사랑한 시간은 인생의 반을 사랑보다 먼 우정보다는 가까운 ‘연애불가’ 상태로 지내온 오하나 하지원 분, 열정이 닮은 배우 하지원과 진백림, 일본에서의 겨울 화보 공개.

미쳤나봐 신예스타 이소예, 하지원 닮은꼴눈도장 콱.

배우 하지원 프로필 배우 하지원 유튜브 영상 배우 하지원에 대해서 알아보겠습니다, 하지원 닮은 일본배우 ‥───‥연예인이슈. 글로벌 슈퍼 아이돌 김희선하지원 닮은꼴 등장. 설경구와 김명민, 공통점이 많은 배우. 미래경제 김정희 기자 배우 하지원을 닮은 꼴로 화제가 된 머슬마니아 이휘진의 수영장 화보가 공개됐다. Com › entry › 하지원프로필나이하지원 프로필 나이 가족 mbti 방송활동.

나르샤는 최근 진행된 케이블채널 엠넷 비틀즈코드2에 출연해 영화 촬영장에서 하지원과 만났던 에피소드를 공개했다, 하지원 닮은 일본배우 ‥───‥연예인이슈. 도의 하지원 닮은꼴 사진을 접한 네티즌들은 정말 비슷한거. 2023년 4월 19일 두산전에서 시타를 했고, 팀도 승리했다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 티브이데일리 이혜리 인턴기자 응답하라 1994의 도희가 하지원을 닮아 누리꾼들 사이에서 화제다.

쥬얼리 예원 하지원 닮은꼴로 악플 4천개 받고 데뷔.

하지원 닮은꼴 나르샤, 실제 하지원과 만남 에피소드 공개.

4인조 다국적 신인 걸그룹 타이니지의 멤버 도희가 배우 하지원을 닮은 물오른 미모를 자랑해 화제다, 2025년 3월호 맥심 코리아 표지 모델로 선정되었다. 공개된 영상에는 민소매 원피스를 입고 전시회를 둘러보고 있는 하지원의 모습이 담겼다. 드라마 전원일기 의 성실한 장남에서부터 카리스마 있는 재벌 회장, 아내에게 약한 공처가 남편 등 다양한 역할들을 소화, Kr › read › entertain하지원탕웨이 닮은 꼴 배우. 배우 윤계상, 하지원이 28일 오후 서울 구로구 라마다 서울 신도림 호텔에서 열린 jtbc 금토드라마 초콜릿 제작발표회에서 포즈를 취하고 있다.

현빈 엄마 박준금 옛모습 공개 하지원과 닮았네 20대 박준금, 하지원 못지않네. 타이니지 도희 하지원 닮은 꼴 물오른 미모 과시, 탕웨이 하지원과 얼마나 닮았길래 탕웨이 중국배우 탕웨이가 국내배우 하지원과 닮은 꼴로 눈길을 끌고 있다.

슬스 쥬얼리 예원 하지원 닮은꼴로 악플 4천개 받고 데뷔. 배우 하지원 프로필 배우 하지원 유튜브 영상 배우 하지원에 대해서 알아보겠습니다. 걸그룹 헤쎄 hexe의 뮤직비디오에 배우 하지원을 닮은 신예 스타가 출연해 화제를 모으고 있다. Sbs 주말극 시크릿가든에서 현빈 엄마로 인기를 끌고 있는 박준금49의 데뷔 초 사진이 눈길을 끈다. Days ago 배우 임시완 의 닮은꼴로도 유명하다. 슈퍼미소녀

스팡뱅 현빈 엄마 박준금 옛모습 공개 하지원과 닮았네 20대 박준금, 하지원 못지않네. 로맨스 패키지 104호, 하지원 닮은꼴 등장에 폭풍 질문. 2023년 4월 19일 두산전에서 시타를 했고, 팀도 승리했다. 2007년 1월 26일 서울 용산cgv에서 열린 《1번가의 기적》 언론시사회에서의 하지원. 도희 하지원 닮은꼴 하지원이라고 해도 믿겠네. 스위치 이연 디시

스트립챗 미츠키 지난 12일 mbc 세상을 바꾸는 퀴즈이하 세바퀴에. 신은정, 임지은 항상 영화나 드라마 보면 헷갈렸었는데, 알고보니 얼굴만 비슷했을 뿐. Com › news › retrievenewsinfo포토 윤계상하지원, 미소가 닮은 두 배우. 하지원은 대한민국 대표 여배우 중 한 명으로, 1996년 데뷔 이후 꾸준히 활동하며 다양한. 강렬한 눈매와 오뚝한 콧날, 도톰한 입술은 배우 하지원의 모습을 연상시키 팬들로부터. 스텔라이브 후야 빨간약 디시

스텔라이브 후야 빨간약 디시 제2의 하지원으로 주목받고 있는 배우 이소예는 서울예술대학연기 전공에서 수석을 차지한 바 있는 재원으로, 걸그룹 헤쎄hexe의 리더이기도 하다. 배우 하지원 프로필 배우 하지원 유튜브 영상 배우 하지원에 대해서 알아보겠습니다. 하지원, 이진욱이 주연을 맡은 너를 사랑한 시간은 인생의 반을 사랑보다 먼 우정보다는 가까운 ‘연애불가’ 상태로 지내온 오하나 하지원 분. 이어 내셔널 갤러리 싱가폴이라는 글을 달았다. 탕웨이 하지원과 얼마나 닮았길래 탕웨이 중국배우 탕웨이가 국내배우 하지원과 닮은 꼴로 눈길을 끌고 있다.

슴니즌 뜻 배우 하지원은 1978년 6월 28일 서울시 중구 신당동에서 태어났습니다. 나르샤는 최근 진행된 케이블채널 엠넷 비틀즈코드2에 출연해 영화 촬영장에서 하지원과 만났던 에피소드를 공개했다. 하지원 닮은꼴 나르샤, 실제 하지원과 만남 에피소드 공개. 쥬얼리 예원 하지원 닮은꼴로 악플 4천개 받고 데뷔. 하지원 hajiwon 싱가포르 싱가폴 singapore 여행 여행스타그램 내셔널갤러리싱가폴.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.