Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일반 걍 투명,하얗고 찐득한 콧물은 뭐임. 감기나 비염, 알레르기 반응 등이 원인이 될 수 있죠. 안녕하세요 콧물은 우리 몸에서 코 안의 점막을 보호하고 외부 물질을 걸러내는 중요한 역할을 한다고 합니다 그런데 끈적한 콧물이 나오는 경우가 있는데 왜 그런건가요. 코 ㅈㄴ 풀다보면 개쌉끈적이는 콧물 조금 나오는데 시원하게 안 나옴.

하얀 끈적거리는 콧물, 원인과 치료법 알아보기 소개 콧물은 일상적인 증상 중 하나로, 대부분의 사람들이 경험한 적이 있을 것입니다 그러나 하얀 끈적거리는 콧물은 다소 이례적인 증상으로, 많은 사람들이 이에 대한 원인과 치료법을 알고 싶어합니다 이 포스팅에서는 하얀 끈적거리는 콧물의.. 오트리빈 사용후에는 하비갑개가 줄어들어서 그 끈적한 코들이 원환히 배출이 되니 ㄹㅇ 신세계임 밥먹고 코풀었을때 콧물이 나온게 거의 4년만임..

제주 필라테스 문 아영

젠지 응원 갤러리

코안 점막에서 점액이 계속 나오는거임 코세척 꾸준히 해주면 좋음 나는 자기전에 코세척하고 비염전용크림 바르면서 많이 좋아짐 dc app. Com › 41생활정보와 꿀팁제공 블로그, 노란 콧물이라면 항생제를 드시는 것이. 건강 멈추지 않는 콧물, 색상과 점도에 따라 원인과 대처방법이 다르다 by aloha10 2024. 코나 목감기 환자에게 많이 발생되며 급성 기관지염, 폐렴이나 read more.

Net › square › 3564416974더쿠 콧물 색깔이 알려주는 몸상태 콧물 사진 주의. 오트리빈쓰고알게된점 비염 마이너 갤러리. 휴지가 없어도 처리할 수는 있지만, 참 귀찮은 존재다. 코 점막에 염증이 생기면서 점막이 붓고, 콧속의 빈 공간 비강이 좁아집니다, 일반 존나 진득한 콧물 건조해서 그러냐.

하얗고 완전 치즈마냥 엄청 끈적한 콧물 딱 달라붙어서 코 풀어도 잘나오지도않는 그런콧물 비염일때도 이런콧물이 하루종일 생기나. 대변 점액질점액변 원인 똥에 콧물같은게 나온다면. 엄청끈끈한 하얀색 콧물덩어리인데 비중격쪽을 타고 흘러서 점막안에있다가 몇번 코로흥흥하면 빠져나옴, 하얗고 끈적한 콧물 염증 반응의 시작 ☁️ 맑았던 콧물이 점차 하얗고 불투명하며 끈적끈적해진다면, 감기가 본격적인 진행 단계에 접어들었다는 신호입니다, 재채기나 기침을 하거나 코로 빨아들일 때 생기는 미끄럽고 끈적끈적한 액체다. 끈적한 콧물이 나오는 경우는 보통 몸이 감염에 대응하거나 염증 반응을 일으킬 때 발생합니다.

정색짤

안녕하세요 콧물은 우리 몸에서 코 안의 점막을 보호하고 외부 물질을 걸러내는 중요한 역할을 한다고 합니다 그런데 끈적한 콧물이 나오는 경우가 있는데 왜 그런건가요. 하얗고 끈적한 콧물 염증 반응의 시작 ☁️ 맑았던 콧물이 점차 하얗고 불투명하며 끈적끈적해진다면, 감기가 본격적인 진행 단계에 접어들었다는 신호입니다, 하얗고 끈적한 콧물 염증 반응의 시작 ☁️ 맑았던 콧물이 점차 하얗고 불투명하며 끈적끈적해진다면, 감기가 본격적인 진행 단계에 접어들었다는 신호입니다.

정액 노란색 디시 비염 비염은 코 점막의 염증으로 인해 콧물, 재채기, 코막힘 등의 증상이 나타납니다. 재채기나 기침을 하거나 코로 빨아들일 때 생기는 미끄럽고 끈적끈적한 액체다. 건강 멈추지 않는 콧물, 색상과 점도에 따라 원인과 대처방법이 다르다 by aloha10 2024. 그냥 알러지 비염있어서 몇년을 약먹으면서 지내는데 오늘 갑자기 코가 ㅈㄴ막혀서 코푸는데 찐득하게 흰색 콧물이 마치 어디 가득차있다가 쏟아져. 예전에는 안 그랬는데 몇년 전부터 코에 하얗고 끈적끈적한 느낌으로 정말 끈적한 느낌으로 코딱지가 생기는데 혹시 이거 때문이냐고 해도 하얀색이면. 조복서 노출

젠네즈 디시 비염 비염은 코 점막의 염증으로 인해 콧물, 재채기, 코막힘 등의 증상이 나타납니다. 그냥 알러지 비염있어서 몇년을 약먹으면서 지내는데 오늘 갑자기 코가 ㅈㄴ막혀서 코푸는데 찐득하게 흰색 콧물이 마치 어디 가득차있다가 쏟아져. 노란 콧물이라면 항생제를 드시는 것이. 그렇기 때문에 콧물 색깔이 까맣다기 보다는 까만 덩어리들이 나오는 경우가 많습니다. 일반 비염일때도 완전 끈적한콧물도 생겨. 전원에 죽다 자막

조복서 섹스 하얗고 완전 치즈마냥 엄청 끈적한 콧물 딱 달라붙어서 코 풀어도 잘나오지도않는 그런콧물 비염일때도 이런콧물이 하루종일 생기나. 휴지가 없어도 처리할 수는 있지만, 참 귀찮은 존재다. 생활정보, 건강 꿀팁을 제공하는 알로하 블로그입니다. 오트리빈 사용후에는 하비갑개가 줄어들어서 그 끈적한 코들이 원환히 배출이 되니 ㄹㅇ 신세계임 밥먹고 코풀었을때 콧물이 나온게 거의 4년만임. 하지만 점액은 우리 몸의 중요한 방어 작용에 속한다. 젠인 마키 허벅지

전보연 onlyfans 노란 콧물이라면 항생제를 드시는 것이. Com › mgallery › board비염일때도 완전 끈적한콧물도 생겨. 끈적한 콧물이 나오는 경우는 보통 몸이 감염에 대응하거나 염증 반응을 일으킬 때 발생합니다. 그렇기 때문에 콧물 색깔이 까맣다기 보다는 까만 덩어리들이 나오는 경우가 많습니다. 재채기나 기침을 하거나 코로 빨아들일 때 생기는 미끄럽고 끈적끈적한 액체다.

제니퍼 코넬리 노출 Com › mgallery › board비염일때도 완전 끈적한콧물도 생겨. 일반 비염일때도 완전 끈적한콧물도 생겨. 코 ㅈㄴ 풀다보면 개쌉끈적이는 콧물 조금 나오는데 시원하게 안 나옴. 하얀 끈적거리는 콧물, 원인과 치료법 알아보기 소개 콧물은 일상적인 증상 중 하나로, 대부분의 사람들이 경험한 적이 있을 것입니다 그러나 하얀 끈적거리는 콧물은 다소 이례적인 증상으로, 많은 사람들이 이에 대한 원인과 치료법을 알고 싶어합니다. 비염 마이너 갤러리 존나 진득한 콧물 건조해서 그러냐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.