Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

포경수술 후의 각질화는 별문제가 되지 않고 성기능장애도 포경수술과 관계없다고 한다. 포경수술은 포피를 제거하여 귀두를 드러내는 수술로, 귀두포피염과 감돈포경과 같은 염증 증상과 배뇨 증상을 예방하는 데 유용합니다. 이 수술은 위생관리, 염증 예방, 또는 기능 개선을 목적으로 시행됩니다. 요즘은 포경수술을 받아야 할지 고민하는 분들이 많아요.

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성형수술처럼 일반적인 경우 필수가 아닌 수술이다. 과거처럼 무조건 해야 한다는 인식은 줄어들었지만, 여전히 필요성에 대해 궁금해하시는 분들이 적지 않죠, 포경 의학 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 1819세기, 보스턴 뉴포트 프로비던스 의 상인 카르텔 주도 하에 코네티컷 뉴런던과 매사추세츠 낸터켓 등 북봉부 일대를 중심으로 성황을 이루던 미국의 포경 산업은. 저도 어릴 적 가족과 이 문제를 고민하며 논의했던 기억이 있습니다. Com › p49456fk › 224146040573성인포경수술 어떤 과정으로 진행될까.

포경은 소아기에는 정상적인 생리적 현상이지만, 성인이 되어도 귀두가 드러나지 않거나 위생 문제가 발생하면 치료가. 성병 위험 감소 다양한 연구 결과에 따르면, 포경수술은 일부 성병에 대한 감염 위험을 줄일 수 있습니다. 만약 당신이 성기 관리와 건강한 성생활을 위한 위생습관을 유지하는데 실패했다면, 염증이나 감염 그리고 불쾌한 냄새가 유발 될 것이다. 마는 포경수술은 남성의 음경에 있는 포경이라는 현상을 치료하기 위해 수행되는 수술입니다.

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이 웹페이지에서는 포경수술의 의학적 정의, 시기, 방법, 후회, 금기증, 치료의 적응증 등에 대해 자세하게 설명합니다, 이것만은 꼭 기억하세요포경수술은 포피를 제거하여 귀두를 드러내는 수술로, 귀두포피염과 감돈포경과 같이 반복적으로 염증 증상과 배뇨 증상이 있는 경우 주로. Hours ago tv리포트이태서 기자 코미디언 출신 방송인 김태균이 한 방청객의 tmitoo much information 대방출에 당혹감을 감추지 못했다. 보통 20분 내외로 끝나며, 특별한 경우가 아니라면 당일 귀가도 가능합니다. 포경수술의 유래 이집트의 유물에 의하면 포경수술의 기원은 6000년 전부터 시작되었다고 합니다.

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남성 70%는 필요 없다고 포경수술에 대한 오해와 진실 조선일보 의학 전문 유튜브 콘텐츠 이러면 낫는다가 13일 포경수술편을 공개했다, 포경 phimosis은 음경의 포피 귀두를 덮고 있는 피부가 지나치게 좁거나 늘어나지 않아 귀두가 노출되지 않는 상태를 말합니다. 특히 신생아 로부터 얻은 포피는 사람의 피부를 만드는 데 유용한 것으로 밝혀졌다. 불법 포경을 방지하기위해 혼획된 고래라도 해양경찰의 확인을 받아야 유통할 수 있으며 2011년부터 고래 유통증명제가 시행되고 있다.

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ppv-2345223 국제포경위원회 에 가입되어 있지 않은 나라는 이의 규정에 따르지 않으며, 자체의 규정에 따른다. 포경수술은 음경피부와 포피를 적당하게 절개하여 제거함으로써 감춰진 귀두부를 드러내는 수술 입니다. 수술 후 회복 과정과 관리 요령 포경수술 후 회복 과정은 개인마다 다르지만, 일반적으로 다음과 같은 단계를 거칩니다. 이것만은 꼭 기억하세요포경수술은 포피를 제거하여 귀두를 드러내는 수술로, 귀두포피염과 감돈포경과 같이 반복적으로 염증 증상과 배뇨 증상이 있는 경우 주로. Kr › asan › healthinfo포경 phimosis 질환백과 의료정보 건강정보 서울아산병원. pikpak りょ

pornhub 바로가기 일반적인 수술 방법 포경수술은 포피를 적당히 절제하여 귀두를 노출시키는 수술입니다. 길맨은 25년 남성수술의 권위자 장택희 원장님과 함께 11명의 저명한 전문 의사선생님들이 남성의학, 남성수술, 남성의 길을 제시합니다. 국제포경위원회 의 회원국들은 1982년 7월 23일 에 1985년 부터 상업적 포경을 일시 중지시키는 데에 투표를 하였다. 귀두 포피염과 감돈포경과 같이 반복적으로 염증 증상과. 귀두 포피염과 감돈포경과 같이 반복적으로 염증 증상과. pikpak すちゃ

pilpak 출생 당시 남아는 생리적인 포경 상태의 음경을 갖고 있다. 의학정보 47개의 글 목록열기 neighbor. 그러니까 ‘포경이 됐다’라고 말하는 건 포경수술을 안 했다는 소리예요. 성병 위험 감소 다양한 연구 결과에 따르면, 포경수술은 일부 성병에 대한 감염 위험을 줄일 수 있습니다. 특히 신생아 로부터 얻은 포피는 사람의 피부를 만드는 데 유용한 것으로 밝혀졌다.

qoqsik 何者 일반적인 절차이긴 하지만, 포경수술 후에는 치유를 돕기 위한 적절한 관리와 세척이 필요합니다. 이때는 안정을 취하고, 출혈이 멈출 때까지 거즈나 패드를 착용해야 합니다. 신생아기부터 2세 이하의 유아에게서 음경포피의 안쪽 귀두가 유착되어 있는 것은 생리적인 것이라 여겨 진성포경 이라 하지 않고, 더 나이가 들어서도 유착이 심하여. 참고로, 우리나라에서 부르는 자연포경이라는 말은, 포경수술을 받은 상태도 포경이라고 줄여 부르면서, 수술받지 않았는데도 포피가 없는 상태를 부르는 별칭으로 당연히 잘못된 표현이다. 수술 직후 수술 부위가 붓고 아프며, 출혈이 있을 수 있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.