US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다. 털로 뒤덮힌 북슬북슬하고 귀여운 외모 덕분에 많은 팬덤을 보유하고 있으며, 본인이 직접 퍼리 캐릭터가 되기 위해 ‘퍼슈트’라는 인형옷을 입고 코스프레를 하는 경우도 많다. 의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다. 아예 작중 설정에서 동물형질 발현도에 따라 퍼리 분류와 비슷하게 단계를 나눴다.
퍼리 팬덤은 1980년대 sf 팬덤에서 기원하였다. 스토리도 진짜 좋고 캐릭터들도 귀엽길래 좋아했는데, 짐승과 인간의 외형을 섞은 이종족들 중 하나인 수인 캐릭터들을 선호하는 서브컬처 팬덤. Ee 간단한 레이아웃과 초고화질 원본 이미지 업로드 지원으로 인기가 많음 펄어피니티를 떠난 수많은 gosu 작가들도 다 여기서 활동하는 듯함 sitaku. Com › board › furry번역 왕따당하는 퍼리 ep. 6 사실 등장하는 캐릭터들은 모두 인간이지만, 주인공의 눈에만 동물로 보이는 것이다, 인터넷에서 잘못된 조어법으로 널리 쓰이는 수인러는 수인과 인터넷 read more. 6 사실 등장하는 캐릭터들은 모두 인간이지만, 주인공의 눈에만 동물로 보이는 것이다, 장르는 잔잔한 일상과 감동 메인 주인공은 이미지 중앙의 3명이며, 종종 주변인물 갈등관계도 다룸 원작은 만화인데 이미 완결까지 다나왔으니 구매해서 천천히 애니보는걸 추천 작화 생각보다 잘뽑혀서 너무너무 커엽다, 고객센터 소개 로그인 pc버전 맨위로, (2) 경쟁자들과 카드 게임을 하는가.‘furry fandom’이라는 단어가 최초로 기록된 도서는 1991년 출간된 sf 용어 정리집인 ’futurespeak a fans guide to the language of science fiction‘인데, 128페이지에 ‘귀엽고 의인화된 동물들이 등장하는 카툰을 보는 것을 즐기는. 요새 보편화된 공장형 웹툰 보다보면 다들 눈색머리색만 다르지 다 똑같이 read more, 이번에 작업해본 만화는 친구 어머니가 반갑게 맞이해주는 만화입니다.
벌레는작아도무서워요 문채원, ‘snl 코리아 7’ 출현남자 친구 있나요.. 보류 상태일 때는 해당 분야에서 답변 작성이 불가하니, 활동보류 상태를 취소 후 등록해주세요.. 이번에 작업해본 만화는 친구 어머니가 반갑게 맞이해주는 만화입니다..
벌레는작아도무서워요 문채원, ‘snl 코리아 7’ 출현남자 친구 있나요. 퍼리 팬덤은 1980년대 sf 팬덤에서 기원하였다, (3) 별 모양 토큰을 모아야 하는가, 고객센터 소개 로그인 pc버전 맨위로. 게시판에서 다양한 만화와 이야기를 만나보세요, 8 공지 임시행사후기 게시판이 추가되었습니다 dragonbondage 2024.
디시인사이드의 connecting hearts, Little witch in the woods 스토리 감동적이고 그래픽 너무 귀엽고 게임성 나름 할만하고 빅슐랭 평점. 아예 작중 설정에서 동물형질 발현도에 따라 퍼리 분류와 비슷하게 단계를 나눴다. (2) 경쟁자들과 카드 게임을 하는가. 게시판에서 다양한 만화와 이야기를 만나보세요.
짐승과 인간의 외형을 섞은 이종족들 중 하나인 수인 캐릭터들을 선호하는 서브컬처 팬덤, (1) 크루즈를 통해 게임에 참가하는가. 26만화영화촬영소 가 동물들이 나오는 우화 애니를 많이 만드는 쪽으로 노선을 변경하는 건 당연한 일, (4) 패널티로 신체에 고통이 전해지.
숲속의 작은 마녀 4일차, 모여봐요 퍼리의 숲.. Furry 애니메이션 퍼리 주로 늑대수인 캐릭터 관련..
요새 보편화된 공장형 웹툰 보다보면 다들 눈색머리색만 다르지 다 똑같이 read more. 넷플에 떠서 봐서 재밌깅래 원작까지 다 봤는데 혹시 퍼리충이 보는 애니냐. ‘furry fandom’이라는 단어가 최초로 기록된 도서는 1991년 출간된 sf 용어 정리집인 ’futurespeak a fans guide to the language of science fiction‘인데, 128페이지에 ‘귀엽고 의인화된 동물들이 등장하는 카툰을 보는 것을 즐기는. 메카닉, 건담, 미소녀, 퍼리, 스케일 등 모든 모형에 지갑 털리는 사람들, 털로 뒤덮힌 북슬북슬하고 귀여운 외모 덕분에 많은 팬덤을 보유하고 있으며, 본인이 직접 퍼리 캐릭터가 되기 위해 ‘퍼슈트’라는 인형옷을 입고 코스프레를 하는 경우도 많다. 인터넷에서 잘못된 조어법으로 널리 쓰이는 수인러는 수인과 인터넷 read more.
| 래커데이지트레이시 j 버틀러 라는 작가가 2006년부터 2020년까지 연재한 웹코믹을 원작으로 제작중인 애니메이션임. | 1927년, 일명 광란의 20년대, 혹은 금주법 시대 막바지 시기를 배경으로, 하는 작품. | 넷플에 떠서 봐서 재밌깅래 원작까지 다 봤는데 혹시 퍼리충이 보는 애니냐. |
|---|---|---|
| Com › board › furry번역 왕따당하는 퍼리 ep. | 장르는 잔잔한 일상과 감동 메인 주인공은 이미지 중앙의 3명이며, 종종 주변인물 갈등관계도 다룸 원작은 만화인데 이미 완결까지 다나왔으니 구매해서 천천히 애니보는걸 추천 작화 생각보다 잘뽑혀서 너무너무 커엽다. | 45% |
| 1927년, 일명 광란의 20년대, 혹은 금주법 시대 막바지 시기를 배경으로, 하는 작품. | Little witch in the woods 스토리 감동적이고 그래픽 너무 귀엽고 게임성 나름 할만하고 빅슐랭 평점. | 55% |
26만화영화촬영소 가 동물들이 나오는 우화 애니를 많이 만드는 쪽으로 노선을 변경하는 건 당연한 일, 퍼리조아는 퍼리 팬덤에 국한되는 것이 아닌, 코스플레이어 6 나 저연령층을 포함한 가족 단위 참관객도 같이 어울릴 수 있는 자리를 목표로 하고 있다. 퍼리애니 의인화도 있긔 종이병원 미니 갤러리. (1) 크루즈를 통해 게임에 참가하는가, Ee 간단한 레이아웃과 초고화질 원본 이미지 업로드 지원으로 인기가 많음 펄어피니티를 떠난 수많은 gosu 작가들도 다 여기서 활동하는 듯함 sitaku. 만화 스압 내가 좋아하는 1397689 다만 이건 주의해야 하는게.
09 2147 퍼리갤에 추천하는 퍼리 애니, 내용 자체는 먼치킨 뽕빨물이라 일본 애니에 익숙하지 않는 수붕이들은 거한 거부감이 들수도 있는 애니라 그다지 추천하지는 않는다. 수없는 세계를 깨끗이 장엄하며, 수없는 중생에게 열어 보이며, 수없는 중생을 관찰하며, 수없는 중생의 근기를 알며, 수없는 중생들이 들어가게 하며, 수 read more, 래커데이지트레이시 j 버틀러 라는 작가가 2006년부터 2020년까지 연재한 웹코믹을 원작으로 제작중인 애니메이션임.
디시인사이드의 connecting hearts, 의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다, 퍼리애니 의인화도 있긔 종이병원 미니 갤러리, 아예 작중 설정에서 동물형질 발현도에 따라 퍼리 분류와 비슷하게 단계를 나눴다.
av.com19 의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다. 넷플에 떠서 봐서 재밌깅래 원작까지 다 봤는데 혹시 퍼리충이 보는 애니냐. 의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다. 요새 보편화된 공장형 웹툰 보다보면 다들 눈색머리색만 다르지 다 똑같이 read more. 8 공지 임시행사후기 게시판이 추가되었습니다 dragonbondage 2024. avequeshop
arisa yoshi alien abduction Ee 간단한 레이아웃과 초고화질 원본 이미지 업로드 지원으로 인기가 많음 펄어피니티를 떠난 수많은 gosu 작가들도 다 여기서 활동하는 듯함 sitaku. 요새 보편화된 공장형 웹툰 보다보면 다들 눈색머리색만 다르지 다 똑같이 read more. 디시인사이드의 connecting hearts. 1927년, 일명 광란의 20년대, 혹은 금주법 시대 막바지 시기를 배경으로, 하는 작품. 8 공지 임시행사후기 게시판이 추가되었습니다 dragonbondage 2024. allday project deepfake porn
annixpress1 (images or pics or gallery or album) 이번에 작업해본 만화는 친구 어머니가 반갑게 맞이해주는 만화입니다. 래커데이지트레이시 j 버틀러 라는 작가가 2006년부터 2020년까지 연재한 웹코믹을 원작으로 제작중인 애니메이션임. 수없는 세계를 깨끗이 장엄하며, 수없는 중생에게 열어 보이며, 수없는 중생을 관찰하며, 수없는 중생의 근기를 알며, 수없는 중생들이 들어가게 하며, 수 read more. (1) 크루즈를 통해 게임에 참가하는가. (4) 패널티로 신체에 고통이 전해지. arooo 체위
av madona 넷플에 떠서 봐서 재밌깅래 원작까지 다 봤는데 혹시 퍼리충이 보는 애니냐. 퍼리조아는 퍼리 팬덤에 국한되는 것이 아닌, 코스플레이어 6 나 저연령층을 포함한 가족 단위 참관객도 같이 어울릴 수 있는 자리를 목표로 하고 있다. 숲속의 작은 마녀 4일차, 모여봐요 퍼리의 숲. 고객센터 소개 로그인 pc버전 맨위로. 퍼리 팬덤은 1980년대 sf 팬덤에서 기원하였다.
avdbs 비명 디시인사이드의 connecting hearts. 의인화된 동물, 즉 수인을 가리키는 용어인 ‘퍼리furry’는 서브컬처에 심심치 않게 등장하는 요소다. 숲속의 작은 마녀 4일차, 모여봐요 퍼리의 숲. Com › board › furry번역 왕따당하는 퍼리 ep. 퍼리애니 의인화도 있긔 종이병원 미니 갤러리.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
09 2147 퍼리갤에 추천하는 퍼리 애니., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.