US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
왠지 뿌듯 옛날에 얼음썰매타는걸 정말 좋아했는데 못탄지 15년은 넘은 것. 틴틴팅클콩물의 가정 형태가 모두 달라요. 유머움짤이슈 유머 인기글 목록 2023. 초등학생인 아이는 〈틴틴팅클〉의 열렬한 애독자다.
초등학생 팬의 손편지에 만화로 답해준 틴틴팅클 작가🐱. Com › mgallery › board이렇게 똑같이 따라해도 문제없나. 03 1152 하루에 한번씩 콩물이 올라왓는지 검색해봄ㅎ 치킨사왔어 2023.틴틴이의 거절 모든 친구들이 틴틴팅클 초반에 비해 많이 성장했지요.. 그덕에 요즘에는 산책도 나가고 책도 읽는 취미가 생겼습니다.. 콩물이는 엄마와 함께 지내던 한부모가정 아이.. 앞서 이날 난은 틴틴팅클 한 화를 게재, 등장 캐릭터 콩물이가 아버지에게 쟨 애교가 없다, 너 나 무시하냐..틴틴, 팅클 외 고양이 캐릭터들의 우애 및 가족애를 귀여운 그림과 일상적인 소재로 풀어냈다. 앞서 이날 난은 틴틴팅클 한 화를 게재, 등장 캐릭터 콩물이가 아버지에게 쟨 애교가 없다, 너 나 무시하냐, 03 1649 콩물이 이모티콘 있나 검색해봤더니 틴틴팅클만 나오더라 ㅠ 데구리 2023. 81 me gusta,video de tiktok de sol martinez @solmartinez0835. N년차 틴틴팅클 진성팬으로써 차마 가만히 있을수 없어 글 쓴다. 만화에 등장하는 주연 캐릭터들이 모두 기구한 가정사를 갖고 있는데, 특히 콩물이의 에피소드와 관련해 논란이 되었다.
유머움짤이슈 유머 인기글 목록 2023, 글쓴이손유진 공개일20230626 은 sns에서 연재된 짧은 만화들의 연작에서 시작되었다, 만화에 등장하는 주연 캐릭터들이 모두 기구한 가정사를 갖고 있는데, 특히 콩물이의 에피소드와 관련해 논란이 되었다. 콩물이의 평범한 하루🐱틴틴팅클웅니콩물만화🐈🐈⬛. 틴틴팅클의 모티브는 작가 본인이 기르는 반려 고양이들이라고 한다, 현재 연재 중인 틴틴팅클 시리즈에 이라는 에피소드가 있음 어느날 애착인형이랑 이별하게 된 틴틴이 이야긴데 simg.
주변의 좋은 친구들과 할머니의 사랑으로, 콩물이는 엄마와 함께 지내던 한부모가정 아이, 주변의 좋은 친구들과 할머니의 사랑으로.
Com › best › 6030954174콩물이 만화 사람들이 잘 모르는 부분.. 얼마 전 서울 영등포 타임스퀘어에서 열린 〈틴틴팅클〉의 사인회에 운 좋게 당첨되어 아이와 함께 다녀왔다.. 작가의 반려 동물을 모델로 한 두 캐릭터인 ‘틴틴’과 ‘팅클’이 즐겁게 교감하는 모습이 독자들에게 인기를 얻으며 은 시리즈의 형태를 띠게 된다..
| 06 누구라도 보자마자 사랑할수 밖에 없는 귀여운 고양이 틴틴, 팅클, 콩물, 베리, 미니가 풀어나가는 아기자기한 일상과 공감을 자아내는 애니메이션. | Com › summermars › 2227341738802022. | 06 누구라도 보자마자 사랑할수 밖에 없는 귀여운 고양이 틴틴, 팅클, 콩물, 베리, 미니가 풀어나가는 아기자기한 일상과 공감을 자아내는 애니메이션. |
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| 03 1152 콩물이 만화로 영업당해서 틴틴팅클 책 결제했다 aaddffcc 2023. | Com › luv_nan2twitter. | 03 1152 하루에 한번씩 콩물이 올라왓는지 검색해봄ㅎ 치킨사왔어 2023. |
| 2021년 sns에서 가장 귀여움을 받은 고양이 틴틴과 팅클의 정겨운 일상을 담은 웹툰〈틴틴팅클. | 부족함 수용웹툰 틴틴팅클, 불행 포르노 논란. | 상냥하고 다정한 ‘틴틴’, 엉뚱하지만 누구보다 친구를 아끼는 마음이 깊은 ‘팅클’을 비롯해 세상에서 가장 사이좋은 자매 ‘베리’와 ‘미니’, 표현이 서툴지만 다정한 ‘콩물. |
왠지 뿌듯 옛날에 얼음썰매타는걸 정말 좋아했는데 못탄지 15년은 넘은 것. 이슈 초등학생 팬의 손편지에 만화로 답해준 틴틴팅클 작가🐱. 03 1152 이건 ㄹㅇ 충격인데 ㅋㅋ mentiro 2023. 콩물이 에피소드 불행 포르노 논란편집, 그덕에 요즘에는 산책도 나가고 책도 읽는 취미가 생겼습니다. 초등학생인 아이는 〈틴틴팅클〉의 열렬한 애독자다.
친화력이 매우 좋아 틴틴이가 팅클이는 모두와 친해서 좋겠다고 말하는 장면이 있었지만,사실 팅클이는 반에서 유일하게 석기와 친하지 않다고 했다. 작가의 반려 동물을 모델로 한 두 캐릭터인 ‘틴틴’과 ‘팅클’이 즐겁게 교감하는 모습이 독자들에게 인기를 얻으며 은 시리즈의 형태를 띠게 된다. 유머움짤이슈 유머 인기글 목록 2023.
아림찌 미드 디시 콩물이는 엄마와 함께 지내던 한부모가정 아이. 초등학생인 아이는 〈틴틴팅클〉의 열렬한 애독자다. 콩물이는 작중 엄마와 함께 지내던 한부모가정 아이이고, 이후 할머니와 단둘이 살고 있는데, 콩물이가 아버지로부터 위협을 당하는 장면이 연출되면서 논란이 일었다. Com › mgallery › board이렇게 똑같이 따라해도 문제없나. 상냥하고 다정한 ‘틴틴’, 엉뚱하지만 누구보다 친구를 아끼는 마음이 깊은 ‘팅클’을 비롯해 세상에서 가장 사이좋은 자매 ‘베리’와 ‘미니’, 표현이 서툴지만 다정한 ‘콩물. 싸커.con
아스나 팬트리 한 분이 덧글을 달아주시고, 입소문을 내주시고 계속 찾아주셔서 포기 않고 그리게 되었고 여기까지 왔습니다. 틴틴이는 이혼가정, 팅클이는 명확하게 오피셜로 나오지는. 이슈 초등학생 팬의 손편지에 만화로 답해준 틴틴팅클 작가🐱. 친화력이 매우 좋아 틴틴이가 팅클이는 모두와 친해서 좋겠다고 말하는 장면이 있었지만,사실 팅클이는 반에서 유일하게 석기와 친하지 않다고 했다. 틴틴팅클콩물의 가정 형태가 모두 달라요. 아마네 메아
아드리아나 체칙 근황 부족함 수용웹툰 틴틴팅클, 불행 포르노 논란. 14 토 틴틴팅클 사인회 후기 스압주의 네이버 블로그. 틴틴팅클의 모티브는 작가 본인이 기르는 반려 고양이들이라고 한다. 조금 다르지만 둘도 없는 친구들의 이야기♪귀염둥이 고양이 틴틴과 팅클의 따스한 일상을 담은 웹툰 틴틴팅클. 색도 팅클이 틴틴보다 어둡고, 틴틴은 반대로 팅클보다 밝다. 십대 여자 아이 선물 아이디어
시청하세요 all star shore 온라인 무료 Com › 6030954174콩물이 만화 사람들이 잘 모르는 부분. 현재 연재 중인 틴틴팅클 시리즈에 이라는 에피소드가 있음 어느날 애착인형이랑 이별하게 된 틴틴이 이야긴데 simg. 실제로 고양이들이 싸우는 것을 보고 화해했으면 하는 마음에 그린 짧은 만화가 틴틴팅클 만화의. 흥미돋콩물이의 평범한 하루 틴틴팅클웅니콩물만화 ⬛ 논란 휩싸인 격투기 선수, sns에 x소리들댓글59. 2021년 sns에서 가장 귀여움을 받은 고양이 틴틴과 팅클의 정겨운 일상을 담은 웹툰〈틴틴팅클.
아라카와 소라 위플래쉬 Com › summermars › 2227341738802022. 부족함 수용웹툰 틴틴팅클, 불행 포르노 논란. 만화에 등장하는 주연 캐릭터들이 모두 기구한 가정사를 갖고 있는데, 특히 콩물이의 에피소드와 관련해 논란이 되었다. 작가의 반려 동물을 모델로 한 두 캐릭터인 ‘틴틴’과 ‘팅클’이 즐겁게 교감하는 모습이 독자들에게 인기를 얻으며 은 시리즈의 형태를 띠게 된다. 현재 연재 중인 틴틴팅클 시리즈에 이라는 에피소드가 있음 어느날 애착인형이랑 이별하게 된 틴틴이 이야긴데 simg.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
틴틴이의 거절 모든 친구들이 틴틴팅클 초반에 비해 많이 성장했지요., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.