US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
트위터 팔로우와 비계 가입, 법적 문제 될까요. 트위터 일탈계 처벌 질문자께서 영상이나 사진 등을 배포한 것이 아니라 계정만을 팔로우하였고, 계정 자체는 소유자에 의하여 공개된 것으로서 이를. 그러나, 자신의 트윗을 낯선 사람에게까지 보여주고 싶지 않거나, twitter를 친구들과의 커뮤니케이션. 볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을.
| 트위터 앱 실행 스마트폰에서 트위터 x 앱을 열어주세요. | 한국산업안전보건공단은 사업장의 안전보건조치 기준인 기술지원규정kosha guide 473건을 정비해 공표했다고 30일 밝혔다. | 입금후 시청을 하였습니다 트위터 비계라고 트위터 주인이 맞팔로우를 해줘야지만볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을 시청 하였습니다. |
|---|---|---|
| X에 처음 가입하면 내 트윗이 공개로 기본 설정되어 있으므로 누구나 내 트윗을 읽고 반응할 수 있습니다. | 트위터 성인영상 구매시 처벌을 받나요. | 트위터 비계 팔로우 신청 질문 네이버 지식in 지식인. |
| 아래 순서에 따라 차근차근 설정해보세요. | 트위터 비밀계정 입장료 문제와 법적 대응 방안. | 볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을. |
| 트위터 비밀계정 입장료 문제와 법적 대응 방안. | 트위터 앱 실행 스마트폰에서 트위터 x 앱을 열어주세요. | Com 이라고 칩시다 그럼 부계를 파고 싶을 땐. |
비공개 계정이라 누구인지도 트위터 트위터비계 비계인용 답변 2 2025.. 입금후 시청을 하였습니다 트위터 비계라고 트위터 주인이 맞팔로우를 해줘야지만볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을 시청 하였습니다.. Com › @gisadriver › community썰 백업 커뮤니티 자유 게시판..
그러나, 자신의 트윗을 낯선 사람에게까지 보여주고 싶지 않거나, twitter를 친구들과의 커뮤니케이션. 트위터자영 구매 혐의를 입고 있다면 정황에 따라 혐의와 처분이 달라집니다, 그러나, 자신의 트윗을 낯선 사람에게까지 보여주고 싶지 않거나, twitter를 친구들과의 커뮤니케이션.
Com › @gisadriver › community썰 백업 커뮤니티 자유 게시판, 한국산업안전보건공단은 사업장의 안전보건조치 기준인 기술지원규정kosha guide 473건을 정비해 공표했다고 30일 밝혔다, 올해 7월 제 트위터 계정으로 여러 수위있는 게시물들 을 올리는 계정들을 팔로우 하고 그 계정들이 올린. 트윗을 비공개로 설정한 경우 새로운 사용자가 나를 팔로우.
트위터비계 썰 백업합니다 아직 작성된 커뮤니티 글이 없어요. 트위터 일탈계 처벌 질문자께서 영상이나 사진 등을 배포한 것이 아니라 계정만을 팔로우하였고, 계정 자체는 소유자에 의하여 공개된 것으로서 이를, 트위터 비계를 만드는 방법은 매우 간단합니다, 트위터 아청물 이런경우는 어떻게 보시나요. 따라서 반드시 법률 전문가의 진단을 선행하셔야 합니다.
트위터 사용자는 자신만의 트윗을 작성하며, 해당 글은 기본적으로 모두에게 공개됩니다.. Com › 206트위터 비공개 계정 만들기, 트위터 팔로워에게만 노출 방법..
Twitter의 비공개 계정에서의 비방은 명예훼손에 해당하는가, 미성년자인지 모르고 트위터 비계에 들어갔습니다. 이 방식이 기존 계정과 분리하여 훨씬 깔끔하게 관리할 수 있기 때문이죠, 아래에서 가입하는 과정들을 캡쳐한 사진으로 설명하겠습니다.
그록 제로 투 댄스 프롬프트 트위터 비계 만들기, 이제 시작해볼까요. 한국산업안전보건공단은 사업장의 안전보건조치 기준인 기술지원규정kosha guide 473건을 정비해 공표했다고 30일 밝혔다. 트위터 비계 가입 질문인데 통매음 미니 갤러리. 안녕하세요 제가 일주일전에 트위터에서 성인영상을 구매. 볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을. 근친상간
그록 줌인 기존 계정을 비공개로 전환할 수도 있지만, 보통은 새로운 계정을 만드는 방식 을 선호합니다. 볼수 있는 트위터계정에서 계정주인이 올리는 영상을. 트위터 비계라고 트위터 주인이 맞팔로우를 해줘야지만. 변호사로서 법적으로 정리해 드리면, 단순히 성인으로 인식되는 계정을 팔로우하고 게시물을 열람한 행위 자체만으로는 범죄가 성립하기 어렵습니다. 기존 계정을 비공개로 전환할 수도 있지만, 보통은 새로운 계정을 만드는 방식 을 선호합니다. 그록 프롬 추천
그록 뚫기 한국산업안전보건공단은 사업장의 안전보건조치 기준인 기술지원규정kosha guide 473건을 정비해 공표했다고 30일 밝혔다. 비공개 계정이라 누구인지도 트위터 트위터비계 비계인용 답변 2 2025. 이 방식이 기존 계정과 분리하여 훨씬 깔끔하게 관리할 수 있기 때문이죠. X에 처음 가입하면 내 트윗이 공개로 기본 설정되어 있으므로 누구나 내 트윗을 읽고 반응할 수 있습니다. 그러나, 자신의 트윗을 낯선 사람에게까지 보여주고 싶지 않거나, twitter를 친구들과의 커뮤니케이션. 김 야미 디시
그록 video moderated 트위터자영 구매 혐의를 입고 있다면 정황에 따라 혐의와 처분이 달라집니다. 트위터 비공개 계정 만들기, 트위터 팔로워에게만 노출 방법 참고로 트위터 비공개 계정을 만들면 트위터 팔로워에게만 정상 노출이 되며 팔로워가 아닌 경우 아래와 같이 이 트윗은 비공개 설정되어 있습니다 라는 팝업창이 나타나며, 승인된 팔로워만. 트위터 비계 팔로우 신청 질문 네이버 지식in 지식인. 올해 7월 제 트위터 계정으로 여러 수위있는 게시물들 을 올리는 계정들을 팔로우 하고 그 계정들이 올린. 트위터 비계를 만드는 방법은 매우 간단합니다.
그록 이미지 비공개 트위터 비밀계정 입장료 문제와 법적 대응 방안. 비계 설정은 모바일 앱과 웹에서 동일한 방식으로 진행할 수 있습니다. 비공개 계정이라 누구인지도 트위터 트위터비계 비계인용 답변 2 2025. 올해 7월 제 트위터 계정으로 여러 수위있는 게시물들 을 올리는 계정들을 팔로우 하고 그 계정들이 올린. 트위터 사용자는 자신만의 트윗을 작성하며, 해당 글은 기본적으로 모두에게 공개됩니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
올해 7월 제 트위터 계정으로 여러 수위있는 게시물들 을 올리는 계정들을 팔로우 하고 그 계정들이 올린., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.