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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일본에서 인기를 구가한 일본 그룹 아라시 출신이며, 2010년부터 매분기 cm, cf 랭킹에 오르고 있다. 컴프레스」, 「머스큘러」, 「치사키 카이」. 멤버 니노미야 카즈나리가 호치 영화상 남우조연상을 수상했다. 토가히미코 메이플스토리 월드 maplestory worlds.

단, 이것이 세이아이 학원이 여학교라 그런 건지 단순히 작중에 나온 집단만 여학생으로 구성됐을 뿐인 것인지 불명.. 아직 토가히미코님이 즐겨찾는 월드가 없습니다.. 토가 히미코는 부모에게 자신은 피를 빨았을 뿐 새도 친구도 아무도 다치게 하지 않았다고 호소했지만, 토가 부모는 딸이 상대를 다치게 하지 않았다는 사실보다는 22 딸이 남들과는 다르다는 사실에만 집착해 그녀를 강제로 교정하려 했다.. Overview gallery synopsis relationships..

16 147화에서 전말이 어느 정도 밝혀졌는데, 오버홀이 시가라키에게 장기에 대해 비유하며 17 이쪽이 계획의 전모를 밝힌 대가로 쿠로기리 와 토가, 그리고 그를 말로써 빌려달라고 한 것이었다.

넨도로이드 나의 히어로 아카데미아 토가 히미코.

나히아 제일복권 h상 토가 히미코 nahaia ichiban kuji h prize himiko toga 나히아 제일복권 c상 미도리야 my hero academia ichiban kuji c prize izuku midoriya 히로아카 나히아 데포피그 데포르메 올마이트 키링 hiroaka nahia depofig deforme all might keyring 나히아 만화책 점프가챠 naria comic book. 왕도적인 히어로물을 표방한 소년 만화지만 세부적인 전개는 비교적 현실적이고 입체적인 청년만화적 테이스트를 가진 본작의 주요 빌런답게 상당히 read more, 작중 나온 것은 2학년인 인테리 사이코를 중심으로 한 집단 하나뿐이며, 여학생밖에 등장하지 않았다. 01 범죄와 맞서 싸우는 히어로를 꿈꾸며 노력하는 소년의 이야기이다.

Com › wiki › 토가_히미코토가 히미코 우만위키, 일본에서 인기를 구가한 일본 그룹 아라시 출신이며, 2010년부터 매분기 cm, cf 랭킹에 오르고 있다. 토가 히미코는 이 개성을 통해 자신이 좋아하는 사람을 살해하고 그 사람 행세를 하면서 살았으리라 추측된다. 07 범죄와 맞서 싸우는 히어로를 꿈꾸며 노력하는 소년의 이야기이다.

01 범죄와 맞서 싸우는 히어로를 꿈꾸며 노력하는 소년의 이야기이다.. 토가는 지금까지 최악의 더빙 캐스팅일 거야, 근데 토가의 말투가 영어 언어학이랑 너무 달라서 걔네를 탓하기도 힘들어..

강은애 토가히미코 체리맛쿠키 성우 인터뷰 누구세요, 산발한 만두머리를 하고 세일러복에 가디건을 입은 여성 빌런. 토가 히미코는 왜 그렇게 인기가 많아, 토가 히미코 toga himiko トガヒミコ 설정화 애니메이션 나의 히어로 아카데미아 2022 2022, 넨도로이드 나의 히어로 아카데미아 토가 히미코, 그나마 토가 히미코 가 상대적으로 덜 호러스러운 외모이다.

Com › wiki › 토가_히미코토가 히미코 우만위키. 마지막 수정일 2022년 6월 20일. 축가 여신으로 유명하신 성우 강은애님입니다 ♥영상 재미있게 보시고, 구매는 여기서 나의 히어로 아카데미아 피규어 토가 히미코 the evil villains vol 3 피규어 월드 나의 히어로 아카데미아 피규어 토가 히미코 the evil villains vol 3 figureworld. 가면허 시험 에피소드에서 애니 오리지널 파트에서 등장한 학원, Com › wiki › himiko_togahimiko toga my hero academia wiki.

토가 히미코는 이 개성을 통해 자신이 좋아하는 사람을 살해하고 그 사람 행세를 하면서 살았으리라 추측된다.

Com 트와이스 부바이가와라 진 히로아카 트와이스 부바이가와 진의 빌런 아카데미아. 토가히미코 메이플스토리 월드 maplestory worlds, 토가 히미코 나의 히어로 아카데미아 위키 fandom, 히어로와 적, 양자의 긍지를 건 운명의 싸움이 지금 시작된다.

마루링 방송 토가 히미코 toga himiko トガヒミコ 설정화 애니메이션 나의 히어로 아카데미아 2022 2022. Com › wiki › 토가_히미코토가 히미코 우만위키. 토가히미코 게시물 3244개 tiktok 틱톡 에서 토가히미코에 대한 최신 동영상을 시청하세요. 토가 히미코가 영어로 뭘까요 네이버 지식in 지식인. 토가 히미코 toga himiko トガヒミコ 설정화 애니메이션 나의 히어로 아카데미아 2022 2022. 머독 니칼즈

마리킨 온라인 한글패치 마지막 수정일 2022년 6월 20일. My hero ones justice 2 villainous wear set. My hero ones justice 2 villainous wear set. 그나마 토가 히미코 가 상대적으로 덜 호러스러운 외모이다. 토가 히미코 나의 히어로 아카데미아 위키 fandom. 마츠모토 이치카 키

맥켄지 던 짤 토가 히미코 toga himiko トガヒミコ 설정화 애니메이션 나의 히어로 아카데미아 2022 2022. 왕도적인 히어로물을 표방한 소년 만화지만 세부적인 전개는 비교적 현실적이고 입체적인 청년만화적 테이스트를 가진 본작의 주요 빌런답게 상당히 read more. 타인의 피를 마시면 그 사람의 모습으로 변신할 수 있으며, 후반부에는 그 사람의 목소리까지 완벽하게 흉내낼 수 있게 됩니다. 타인의 피를 마시면 그 사람의 모습으로 변신할 수 있으며, 후반부에는 그 사람의 목소리까지 완벽하게 흉내낼 수 있게 됩니다. 토가 히미코가 영어로 뭘까요 네이버 지식in 지식인. 마크툽 연애

마도성 평캔 디시 넨도로이드 나의 히어로 아카데미아 토가 히미코. 구매는 여기서 나의 히어로 아카데미아 피규어 토가 히미코 the evil villains vol 3 피규어 월드 나의 히어로 아카데미아 피규어 토가 히미코 the evil villains vol 3 figureworld. 강은애 토가히미코 체리맛쿠키 성우 인터뷰 누구세요. 가면허 시험 에피소드에서 애니 오리지널 파트에서 등장한 학원. Twice me+you mv 리액션 rkpop.

마운자로 2주차 디시 가면허 시험 에피소드에서 애니 오리지널 파트에서 등장한 학원. 07 범죄와 맞서 싸우는 히어로를 꿈꾸며 노력하는 소년의 이야기이다. 토가 히미코 나의 히어로 아카데미아 위키 fandom. 나의 히어로 아카데미아 의 등장인물. 컴프레스」, 「머스큘러」, 「치사키 카이」.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.