Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › 66텐코 시부키 드디어 밝혀진 전생 빨간약 디시 갤. 이세계아이돌 스트리머 미니 갤러리 r56 판. 텐코 시부키 인물 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 최근 수정 시각 20250216 023527.

V2ph.

Vk Av

Days ago 땡코 시부키 자뻑할 때 텐코 시부키시다라는 표현을 자주 사용하는데, 텐 발음이 세게 나와 땡으로 발음되면서 생긴 밈.. 이세돌왁엔터테인먼트 마이너 갤러리에서 분탕을 치다가 차단을 먹은 스트리머 갤러리 유저가 처음 개설한 갤러리이다..

Days ago 이후에 텐코 시부키 도 합류했다, Hours ago — 텐코 시부키 대박박 오늘 채팅창 거의 쳐다도 안봤었는데 많이 썰렸음, 사이트 치지직 유튜브 다시보기 팬카페 ⠀. 그러면서 텐코 시부기 전생 등 빨간약 정보, 실물 얼굴과 나이와 같은 프로필 정보에 대한 팬들의 궁금증이 커졌습니다. Hours ago — 텐코 시부키 대박박 오늘 채팅창 거의 쳐다도 안봤었는데 많이 썰렸음. Com › board › view시부키가 욕을 처먹는 이유mp4 스트리머 갤러리.

Twittervideotool.com

Com › person › tenko_shibuki텐코 시부키 인물 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 타비, 후야 이터널 리턴 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 주토피아도보고여우감옥탈출하기, 미니 갤러리이기에 실시간 베스트 고로시 read more.

Twitter 인터넷 무료 영화 사이트

텐코 시부키는 스텔라이브 3기 클리셰 멤버로, 아오쿠모 린, 하나코 나나, 유즈하 리코와 함께 네이버 치지직에서 버츄얼 방송을 시작한 인물인데요, 이세돌왁엔터테인먼트 마이너 갤러리에서 분탕을 치다가 차단을 먹은 스트리머 갤러리 유저가 처음 개설한 갤러리이다, 유튜버스트리머 카테고리로 분류된 텐코 시부키 갤러리 입니다. Com › mini › board버황이라던 텐코 시부키 최근 논란 모음txt 버츄얼 스나 미니 갤. Com › board › view시부키가 욕을 처먹는 이유mp4 스트리머 갤러리. 원래는 다른색이었는데 지금은 누런색됐어.

린, 리코 이터널 리턴 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 2달만에 가볍게 카페탐방 talk 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 레벨업해보기 w, Com › 66텐코 시부키 드디어 밝혀진 전생 빨간약 디시 갤. 버황이라던 텐코 시부키 최근 논란 모음txt 버츄얼 스나. Hours ago — 텐코 시부키 대박박 오늘 채팅창 거의 쳐다도 안봤었는데 많이 썰렸음. 스텔라이브 3기 멤버로 최근 치지직 버츄얼 스트리머로 데뷔해 활발히 방송 활동을 시작한 텐코 시부키를 향한 인기가 치솟고 있습니다.

에펨코리아 soop 게시판의 아야츠노 유니 조리돌림, 말벌 포포서버 당시 다른 스트리머와 대화를 하다가도 희귀한 포켓몬을 발견하면 모든걸 내팽겨치고 냅다 달려가는 모습이 나는 자연인이다 의 말벌아저씨 같다며 별명이 생겼다. Com › mgallery › board어제 뭔 상황이었는데. 텐코 시부키는 커버곡을 처음 불러본다고 밝혔다.

2025년 6월 20일 부터 6월 27일 까지 1주간 진행했던 마인크래프트 스트리머 서버, 결국 리코는 막내한테 자기 대장자리도 뻇기고 가련한 서열 최하위 아싸가 되버린거임 시부키 무서운 아이, 일본 노래임에도 발음 하나 틀리지 않고 완벽하게 소화해 내고 있다, 236 진지하게 서버 위기였지 시부키 팟만 아니라 편법으로 공용렙 올린 시위한 칸물쥐까지도 자유로울수가 없는 문제였음 2024, 이세돌왁엔터테인먼트 마이너 갤러리에서 분탕을 치다가 차단을 먹은 스트리머 갤러리 유저가 처음 개설한 갤러리이다, 린, 리코 이터널 리턴 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 2달만에 가볍게 카페탐방 talk 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 레벨업해보기 w.

twitter 받싸 텐코 시부키 최근 논란 모음txt 버츄얼 스나 미니 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board텐코 시부키 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 덕코프못해먹겠네 텐코 시부키 마이너 갤러리. 그 중 아오쿠모 린은 멤버들 중에서도 차분한 매력으로 팬들의 사랑을 받고 있는데요. 논란 시부키 얼평 치지직 에펨코리아 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. twidoga24

twmig 텐코 시부키 커버곡 이게 처음으로 불러본 커버곡. 시청자들은 여기서 더 나가 된소리를 더욱 추가한 땡꼬 띠부끼, 이걸 또 변형해 땡초 띠부끼로 사용하기도 한다. 그 중 아오쿠모 린은 멤버들 중에서도 차분한 매력으로 팬들의 사랑을 받고 있는데요. 생명에게 미움받고 있어 命に嫌われている。 텐코 시부키 tenko shibuki cover 텐코 시부키 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. Com › mgallery › board그래 오늘은 언제까지 한다고. under the witch 한글패치

twmig순위 텐코 시부키 커버곡 이게 처음으로 불러본 커버곡. 에펨코리아 soop 게시판의 아야츠노 유니 조리돌림. Days ago 땡코 시부키 자뻑할 때 텐코 시부키시다라는 표현을 자주 사용하는데, 텐 발음이 세게 나와 땡으로 발음되면서 생긴 밈. 본인은 adhd를 잘 포장했다며 만족하는 중이다. 오늘 채팅창 거의 쳐다도 안봤었는데 많이 썰렸음. twivids

uy-101 wooyeon 스텔라이브 3기 멤버로 최근 치지직 버츄얼 스트리머로 데뷔해 활발히 방송 활동을 시작한 텐코 시부키를 향한 인기가 치솟고 있습니다. Redirecting to sgall. 텐코 시부키는 스텔라이브 3기 클리셰 멤버로, 아오쿠모 린, 하나코 나나, 유즈하 리코와 함께 네이버 치지직에서 버츄얼 방송을 시작한 인물인데요. 최근 수정 시각 20250216 023527. Com › person › tenko_shibuki텐코 시부키 인물 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

twitter 트젠 데뷔 전 공개했던 커버곡 너에게 메롱은 무려 193만 뷰가 넘는 조회수를 기록하고 있으며, 라이브 치지직 방송도 수만 조회수를 돌파하고 있는데요. 타비, 후야 이터널 리턴 스텔라이브 시부키 3기생 대박박 부키 주토피아도보고여우감옥탈출하기. 버황이라던 텐코 시부키 최근 논란 모음txt 버츄얼 스나. Hours ago — 텐코 시부키 대박박 오늘 채팅창 거의 쳐다도 안봤었는데 많이 썰렸음. Com › mgallery › board텐코 시부키 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.