Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

하루가 멀다 하고 걸어오는 타카기의 짖궂은 장난에 니시카타는 속수무책, 매번 수모를 되갚아주려 해봐도 번번이 실패. 장난을 잘 치는 여자’는, 언젠가 반드시 뜬다. Com › mgallery › board타카기양 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. Eight marbles ura 시리즈 게임 오리지널 35 나에기 코마루와 후카와 토우코를 놀리면서 방귀를 뀌었다.

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작성된지 4주일이 지난 글에는 새 코멘트를 달 수 없습니다.. Com › community › board장난을 그만두는 타카기양 만화jpg 루리웹.. 서울뉴스1 정유진 기자 영화 넘버원의 김태용 감독이 자신이 배우 최우식 전문가라며 자부했다.. 하지만 설령 그렇다고 해도 워낙 머리도 좋은 데다가 운도 좋고 거기에 니시카타의 눈치없음과 타카기 양의 치밀한 계획으로 인해 재역전되는 경우가 대부분..

Anna Malygon サイトリップ

넘버원 최우식 기생충 母 장혜진과 재회, 일대일 티키타카.. 서울뉴스1 정유진 기자 영화 넘버원의 김태용 감독이 자신이 배우 최우식 전문가라며 자부했다.. 중학교 같은 반이자 옆자리에 붙어 앉은 니시카타 군과 타카기 양..

전체 잡담 퍼온글 방구차 핫딜 read more, 부끄러운 방귀 이야기와 어린 시절의 기억. See more fan art related to kwiyounn, baby girl, guy, girl, chennsomann and luka megurine on pixiv.

타카기 양에서 사춘기 요소를 부각시켰다. Profile image of 타카기. 고백으로 이어지지 않을까 합니다 그쵸 이런 작품은 딱 고백하는 걸 마지막 화로 해야 깔끔합니다 간혹 비슷한 노선으로 따라 하다가 소재가 없어서 대충 사귀게 만들고 이후에는 재미가 없어지는 작품들이 많은데 역시 타카기 양 좋은 완결을 기대합니다.

타카기 방구 뿍뿍끼며 똥싸는 짤좀 그려주실분, 3화 점심시간 동안 학교 도서실에서 일하게 된 타카기와 니시카타. 이유를 물어보자 타카기 양이 너랑 손잡고 학교 가고 싶어서라며 장난을 걸어온다. 일반 타카기 방구 뿍뿍끼며 똥싸는 짤좀 그려주실분. 남주는 초반에 첫사랑을 자각하지 못하고 중2병 때문에 여주에 대한 마음을 살의로 착각하기도 했지만, 이후 여주와 어울리면서 점차 중2병도 나아져가고 본인의 감정을 깨닫게 된다.

Alldeepfake Taeyeon

장난을 잘 치는 타카기 양 작품소개 장난을 잘 치는 여자’는, 언젠가 반드시 뜬다. 타카키 너 설마 아키로프 ip보기클릭122. 부축받고 방귀잦고,살찐사람 장속보니 똥이아니라 광고이미지. 방귀를 뀌고 다니는 등 역시나 어딘가 유감스러운 캐릭터.

Hana moyo꽃 패턴 및 kodai moyo고대 패턴. 30 drawings on pixiv, japan. 전체보기 9,055개의 글 목록열기 쩌는남자. Com › home › 장난을잘치는장난을 잘 치는 타카기 양 웹툰 카카오페이지, 26기 경수, 국화와 스킨십 장난윤보미경리 으악, 저게 썸. Eight marbles ura 시리즈 게임 오리지널 35 나에기 코마루와 후카와 토우코를 놀리면서 방귀를 뀌었다.

Avsuyeon_02

그 천진난만한 얼굴로 대체 나한테 왜 이러냐고. 타카, 유머스타그램 인기 영상, 넌센스 퀴즈 재미, 웃으면 복이 와요 도라에몽 방귀 이야기, 신도라에몽 20기 8화, 진구와 뚱뚱이, 우주와, 이유를 물어보자 타카기 양이 너랑 손잡고 학교 가고 싶어서라며 장난을 걸어온다. Eight marbles ura 시리즈 게임 오리지널 35 나에기 코마루와 후카와 토우코를 놀리면서 방귀를 뀌었다. 조코비치, 상대 부상으로 행운의 기권승호주오픈 4강 진출.

atid-192 uncensored 하지만 설령 그렇다고 해도 워낙 머리도 좋은 데다가 운도 좋고 거기에 니시카타의 눈치없음과 타카기 양의 치밀한 계획으로 인해 재역전되는 경우가 대부분. 타카기양이 요오오오망할 뿐인 만화 커뮤니티 게시판. 타카키 너 설마 아키로프 ip보기클릭122. 타카, 유머스타그램 인기 영상, 넌센스 퀴즈 재미, 웃으면 복이 와요 도라에몽 방귀 이야기, 신도라에몽 20기 8화, 진구와 뚱뚱이, 우주와. Com › fjdkeivn › 223180843069장난을 잘 치는 타카기양 완결까지 2화. ambicharu 8

av director life 공략 Hana moyo꽃 패턴 및 kodai moyo고대 패턴. Org › wiki › 장난을_잘_치는장난을 잘 치는 타카기 양 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 서울뉴스1 정유진 기자 영화 넘버원의 김태용 감독이 자신이 배우 최우식 전문가라며 자부했다. Com › community › board장난을 그만두는 타카기양 만화jpg 루리웹. 부축받고 방귀잦고,살찐사람 장속보니 똥이아니라 광고이미지. alexwm10 onlyfans

alysia 방송 하지만 설령 그렇다고 해도 워낙 머리도 좋은 데다가 운도 좋고 거기에 니시카타의 눈치없음과 타카기 양의 치밀한 계획으로 인해 재역전되는 경우가 대부분. 타카기양이 요오오오망할 뿐인 만화 커뮤니티 게시판. 30 drawings on pixiv, japan. 단순히 책 속에서 교훈을 얻는 것 이상의 그 무엇을 얻을 수 있다. 타카기 방구 뿍뿍끼며 똥싸는 짤좀 그려주실분. avtopgirl

avgle 11 See more fan art related to kwiyounn, baby girl, guy, girl, chennsomann and luka megurine on pixiv. 넘버원 최우식 기생충 母 장혜진과 재회, 일대일 티키타카. 보복 으로 타카기 양에게 장난을 시도하지만, 그것이 타카기 양에게 통하긴커녕, 반대로 더 당하는 일이 많다. 타카, 유머스타그램 인기 영상, 넌센스 퀴즈 재미, 웃으면 복이 와요 도라에몽 방귀 이야기, 신도라에몽 20기 8화, 진구와 뚱뚱이, 우주와. 남주는 초반에 첫사랑을 자각하지 못하고 중2병 때문에 여주에 대한 마음을 살의로 착각하기도 했지만, 이후 여주와 어울리면서 점차 중2병도 나아져가고 본인의 감정을 깨닫게 된다.

antonyms of dumbfounded 2화 타카기 양이 오늘은 자전거를 두고 등교하는 것을 본 니시카타. 서울뉴스1 정유진 기자 영화 넘버원의 김태용 감독이 자신이 배우 최우식 전문가라며 자부했다. Hana moyo꽃 패턴 및 kodai moyo고대 패턴. 장난을 잘 치는 타카기 양 작품소개 장난을 잘 치는 여자’는, 언젠가 반드시 뜬다. 공연기획사 인아츠프로덕션에 따르면 후미아키는 피아니스트 타카기 료마와 함께 오는 31일 예술의전당 ibk챔버홀 무대에 선다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.