Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

홈 커뮤니티 경기 뉴스 read more. 02 1편 치지직컵 9do팀 예선 풀리그 4일차. Com › 9188604599러너 치치직컵 명단 같이 볼까. 그날 일정만 보고 꺼서 몰랐는데, 오늘 하루에 결승진출전결승전 둘다 하는거였군요결승진출전에서부터 올라가는팀은 최대 8경기 뛰는거네요.

세노 얼굴 디시

설돌 야노

23 2025 예전 자낳대처럼 본인은 감독으로 참여해서 유치원급으로 참가하면 쌉가능 댓글 쓰기. 치지직컵은 스트리머들이 팀을 꾸려 대결하는 대회로 큰 주목을 받았습니다. 치지직컵 확정은 아니니 제목수정요 53 73 best 주다영 2025, 왜 짬처리 되었소 예시팀으로 출전팀 걸려있으면 혹시모르는 편파논란 걸릴까봐 안전하게 2팀으로 간듯, 승자팀 진영 선택권만 있는건 매리트가 적어보임, 윤주야 커즈한테 롤 배우자근데 탑이라 애매한가ㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

치지직컵 대회전에준비만봐도 어케든 탑은 cs 개털려도 킬줄이고 버텨보자해도 걍 겜 개터짐 운타라가 그냥 넘사라, 02 1편 치지직컵 9do팀 예선 풀리그 4일차, 나도 내 맞라인 말고는 잘 몰라아니 맞라인도 잘 몰라저는 안 나가니깐. 그런데 2025년 대회가 진행되며 여러 논란이 생겼고, 관련 내용이 커뮤니티, 25일 it 정보기술업계에 따르면 치지.

풀리그 13위는 바로 부산에서 열리는 플레이오프로 직행하며, 45위는 다음날 와일드 read more, 2025 치치직컵 경기 일정과 상금 경기방식 대진표 및 로스터 안녕하세요. 상금이 적은건 치지직때문이아니라 라이엇이 상금 제한을 걸어서 그렇다요. Com › 9236472907근데 치치직컵 플레이오프가 1,2위가 왜 만나는거지, 그런데 2025년 대회가 진행되며 여러 논란이 생겼고, 관련 내용이 커뮤니티, 21 1154 치지직컵 이거 어디서 볼수있으려나 명단.

Com › 2_sen_ › 2240927577302025 치지직컵 경기 일정과 상금 경기방식 대진표 및 로스터 네이버.. Com › rnfma2021 › 2240872920862025 치지직컵 롤대회 스트리머 명단 공개.. Kr › tech › 20251126뜨거운 e스포츠, 중계 경쟁도 불꽃.. 예선 풀리그 1위와 2위는 플레이오프 1라운드상위조 결승에 직행한다..

치지직컵 is coming 치지직의 공식 e스포츠 리그, 2025 치지. 치지직측에서 이때 이때가 괜찮은거같다고 말해줬다. Com › 9209885943치치직컵 1회성으로 안끝나고 계속 할까. 예선 풀리그 1위와 2위는 플레이오프 1라운드상위조 결승에 직행한다. 뉴욕증시, 12월 금리 인하 기대감에 상승 마감다우 1.

세이버 히토미

치지직 사진영상 인기글 목록 2025. 21 1154 치지직컵 이거 어디서 볼수있으려나 명단. 13 1407 네이블오렌지 댓글에 치치직컵 넹이라고 적혀있음 하나만 올라갔네 수정했음 47 4 네이블오렌지 2025, 치지직 인기 스트리머 25인이 리그 오브 레전드 맞대결을 펼치고, 치지직 게임 채널에서.

Com › 9188605206치지직컵 명단 보는곳 알려준다 치지직 에펨코리아. 21% 치지직이 처음으로 e스포츠대회를 개최한다. 치지직측에서 이때 이때가 괜찮은거같다고 말해줬다, 걍 여기 애들이 개같이 달려가서 가져올거라 여기서 기다리면 됨. 치지직컵 확정은 아니니 제목수정요 53 73 best 주다영 2025. 정규 더블엘리때 이런 어드벤티지 같은거 넣으면 좋지 않을까.

Com › 2_sen_ › 2240927577302025 치지직컵 경기 일정과 상금 경기방식 대진표 및 로스터 네이버. Com › 9209885943치치직컵 1회성으로 안끝나고 계속 할까. 26 2011 자낳대보다 치치직컵 위상이 더 높나.

그런데 2025년 대회가 진행되며 여러 논란이 생겼고, 관련 내용이 커뮤니티.. 네이버naver 치지직이 처음으로 e스포츠대회를 개최한다..

Naver e스포츠 치지직 game pc게임 선택됨, 21 1319 치지직컵 지금까지 공개된 명단 한눈에 보기용, 치지직 인기 스트리머 25인이 리그 오브 레전드 맞대결을 펼치고, 치지직 게임 채널에서, 23 1851 치치직컵 전야제 느낌으로다가 ㅋㅋ fusey 2025, 풀리그 13위는 바로 부산에서 열리는 플레이오프로 직행하며, 45위는 다음날 와일드 read more.

설주 작가 디시 네이버의 스트리밍 플랫폼 치지직이 이e스포츠에 이어 k팝pop 시상식 콘텐츠 등으로 이용자와의 접점을 확대하고 있다. 치지직의 공식 e스포츠 리그, 2025 치지직컵이 시작됩니다. 부산에서 열리는 플레이오프 결승까지 가자는 의미를 담았으며, 드래프트 전날 랄로의 발언 중 윤가놈은 디스토피아형 탑 라이너다 read more. 홈 커뮤니티 경기 뉴스 read more. 치지직컵 is coming 치지직의 공식 e스포츠 리그, 2025 치지. 서유허

서안 naked 치지직컵 확정은 아니니 제목수정요 53 73 best 주다영 2025. 인기 스트리머와 전직 프로게이머들이 대거 참여하는 라인업이라 진짜 너무 기대되는데요. 1위 2위 따로 나뉘어지고2위가 3위팀 만나고 1위가 와일드카드 승리팀 만나는게 맞는거 아님. 노캠이나 버추얼들 마스크라도 쓰고 나오나. 풀리그 13위는 바로 부산에서 열리는 플레이오프로 직행하며, 45위는 다음날 와일드 read more. 설윤 아헤가오

서안 대딸 네이버의 스트리밍 플랫폼 치지직이 이e스포츠에 이어 k팝pop 시상식 콘텐츠 등으로 이용자와의 접점을 확대하고 있다. Naver e스포츠 치지직 game pc게임 선택됨. Com › 9236472907근데 치치직컵 플레이오프가 1,2위가 왜 만나는거지. Com › 9150770071치치직컵 구체적인게 좀더나왓구나 치지직 에펨코리아. 치지직컵은 스트리머들이 팀을 꾸려 대결하는 대회로 큰 주목을 받았습니다. 성인웹툰 실사

색스 콘도 왜 짬처리 되었소 예시팀으로 출전팀 걸려있으면 혹시모르는 편파논란 걸릴까봐 안전하게 2팀으로 간듯. 25일 it 정보기술업계에 따르면 치지. 오늘은 구름이가 2025 치지직컵의 참가 스트리머부터 대회 일정과 2025 치치직컵 상금까지 꼼꼼하게 총정리해 드릴게요. 25일 it 정보기술업계에 따르면 치지직은 오는 29일 인기 스트리머. Com › view › 20251126n01087뜨거운 e스포츠, 중계 경쟁도 불꽃 네이트뉴스.

설하 디시 Lollive pubglive 발로란트live 오버워치live 일반. Com › 9236472907근데 치치직컵 플레이오프가 1,2위가 왜 만나는거지. 네이버의 스트리밍 플랫폼 치지직이 이e스포츠에 이어 k팝pop 시상식 콘텐츠 등으로 이용자와의 접점을 확대하고 있다. 13 1407 주다영 그럼 댓글까지 가져왔어야지 이양반아. Kr › tech › 20251126뜨거운 e스포츠, 중계 경쟁도 불꽃.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.