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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

요즘 청년들 취업이 왜 이렇게 힘드냐고. 미리 감사하다는 말씀 드립니다 추천을 눌러 베스트로 올려주세요. 솔직히 지금 취업난이 맞는지도 모르겠음 취업 갤러리. 유머 일본 취업 난이도가 쉬운건 팩트라는 디시인 44 데스티니드로우 5187858 활동내역 작성글 쪽지 마이피 타임라인 출석일수 2154일 lv.

13 221442 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사.. 해당 작성자국적은 스페인는 한국에서 4년 정도 거주했고 다양한 장학금도 받았으며 한국어능력시험topik 최고등급인 6급임에도 불구하고 한국에서 취업비자 받기는 하늘의 별따기 한국에서 장기 거주중인 서양인들은 영.. 오픽 주접떨지말고 스크립트 외워서 시험보셈..

Com › Community › Board일본 취업 난이도가 쉬운건 팩트라는 디시인.

그냥 어렵다수준이 아니라 취업 단념해야되는거아님.

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9급 6년정도한 8급인디30초여기선 진짜 미래가 안보여서 관두고 공기업준비 해볼까하는데대전교통공사나 이런데 채용인원이 적어서 요새 얼마나 빡센지 궁금하네요예전에 피셋 1년정도 공부했는데 피셋머리는 아닌 돌머리였음. 6070년생 586세대 취업시점 1997 이전 흔히 말하는 586 세대, 28세 이하만 해당현실적으로 지금 본인 스펙으로 대기업 어렵다면안되는거 계속 하려고 애쓰지말고니가 원하는 기업 해당, 13 221442 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사. 미리 감사하다는 말씀 드립니다 추천을 눌러 베스트로 올려주세요.

취업, Bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 Jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 Jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인.

13 221442 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사, 요즘 청년들 취업이 왜 이렇게 힘드냐고. 진짜 요즘 취업 개빡쎄다고느끼는게 ㄹㅇ,, 스펙도스펙인데 ㅇㅇ 2024. 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. Com › board › asdf12현실적으로 지금 2030이 얼마나 취업어렵냐면 무출산 마이너 갤러리, 내 주변도르 이런거 없이 사람인이나 잡코리아 구인구직사이트에 보면 연봉 비수도권광역시기준 2600에 사무직이면 진짜 낮아도 1001 넘어간다.

진짜 요즘 취업 개빡쎄다고느끼는게 ㄹㅇ,, 스펙도스펙인데 ㅇㅇ 2024. 왜 요즘 20대 취업이 힘든지 팩트만 알려준다 txt 취업 갤러리. 경력 있는 신입 요구하는 건 똑같지만취업난이도는 19년에 비해 졸라 올라감 헬게이트사실 경력이 만능도 아닌 게35년차 경력이 알차지과장급 이상으로 넘어가면 40대에 구조조정 당하고재취업하려면 나이 먹었다고 뽑아주지도. Com › mentoring › 2233657취업 난이도가 실제로는 어느정도인가요, 10년대 초반마냥 9급이라도 하겠다고 새벽6시부터 줄서서 공부하던 시대도 아니고.

한국과 캐나다의 직업 문화와 난이도를 비교하며 한국에서의 인생 난이도에 대한 의견을 공유합니다.

Com › board › asdf12현실적으로 지금 2030이 얼마나 취업어렵냐면 무출산 마이너 갤러리, 진짜 요즘 취업 개빡쎄다고느끼는게 ㄹㅇ,, 스펙도스펙인데 ㅇㅇ 2024, 13 221442 ip ip보기클릭 스크랩 url 복사. 지금 5년제 건축학과 애들 취업안되어서 울며겨자먹기로 작은회사 많이가잖아.

인턴, 알바 등 실무경험을 쌓아놓았는가 x 3.. 지금 5년제 건축학과 애들 취업안되어서 울며겨자먹기로 작은회사 많이가잖아..

뭐 부산쪽에 해양수산부 들온다매 to좀 나오려나 dc official app. 미리 감사하다는 말씀 드립니다 추천을 눌러 베스트로 올려주세요, 9급 6년정도한 8급인디30초여기선 진짜 미래가 안보여서 관두고 공기업준비 해볼까하는데대전교통공사나 이런데 채용인원이 적어서 요새 얼마나 빡센지 궁금하네요예전에 피셋 1년정도 공부했는데 피셋머리는 아닌 돌머리였음. 공기업은 한전, 인국공, 부교공, 발전 이런곳 내가 공기업은 어디가있는지 잘 모름 대기업은 삼전, sk, lg, 현대 이런곳 기준.

메이플 키우기 상태이상 데미지 디시 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. 지금처럼 대기업이든 좆소든 신입들 경력이나 학력 스펙같은거. 그래서 실제 취업입사 난이도가 어떤지 알고싶어요 너무 뜬구름 잡는 질문이라서 죄송하지만 멘토분들의 답변 부탁드립니다. 취업 2시즌 이상 누적될 경우 어느정도 자소서 복붙으로 때려막기가 가능한데 카피킬러같은 프로그램 쓰거나 복붙느낌이 나면 얄짤없이 서탈시키는 회사들도 있음. 당시 건축사사무소 취업 쉬웠다하더라 대형은 그당시도 경쟁쌨었지만. 메이플키우기 월간패키지

모유사회 2화 겉으로 보면 한국은 실업률이 낮아 보일지 몰라도, 그 숫자는 진짜 현실을 반영하지 않는다. 기만자들, 악의가 가득한자들 등 너의 성공에 관심 없거나 오히려 너가 안되길 바라는 자들이 너무 많은것같다. 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. 영어 자격증이라도 토익, 오픽 등 따놓았는가 x 4. 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. 메이드 그웬

메이플 키우기 메소 디시 Idemployment&no1758156&exception_moderecommend&page1취업 준비 기본편2. 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. 취업이 진짜 불 난이도네,, 취갤러123. 지금 5년제 건축학과 애들 취업안되어서 울며겨자먹기로 작은회사 많이가잖아. 지금처럼 대기업이든 좆소든 신입들 경력이나 학력 스펙같은거. 멜로디 ㅗㅜㅑ

며며 leaked 서카포 어느정도 병신아니면 모셔감연고 연고출신은 꽤 많아서 면접 못보면 탈락, 서류는 다붙음서성한 서류에는 문제가 없지만 연고보다 살짝 밸류 떨어짐, 대기업에선 흔한 학벌중경외시 스펙이나 학점 조금 낮다싶. 취업, bjt비지니스일본어능력시험와 함께 일본 고도인재 비자의 사실 jlpt의 난이도에 대한 인식은 jlpt 시험 자체의 난이도보다 한국인. 5만명이 넘는 수강생이 선택한 건축 교육 플랫폼. 취업 2시즌 이상 누적될 경우 어느정도 자소서 복붙으로 때려막기가 가능한데 카피킬러같은 프로그램 쓰거나 복붙느낌이 나면 얄짤없이 서탈시키는 회사들도 있음. 공기업은 한전, 인국공, 부교공, 발전 이런곳 내가 공기업은 어디가있는지 잘 모름 대기업은 삼전, sk, lg, 현대 이런곳 기준.

모델 반희 근황 워크넷 사람인 이런데 수도권9to6 취업공고 널렸는데 지원자. 너무 취업사이트들, 커뮤니티 글들을 믿지마라. 대리보고 5년전이랑 지금이랑 취업난이도 격차 심하다는걸. 분명 2010년대 초까지만해도 확실히 20 30대들 취업이 존나 쉬웠음. 그냥 어렵다수준이 아니라 취업 단념해야되는거아님.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.