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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › @eduardocordeiro338 › videoos vídeos de eduardomendescord @eduardocordeiro338 com som. 초반에 비해 캐릭터들이 더 날렵해진 체형을 가지고 있고, 특히 여성 캐릭터들의 디자인이 과장된 곡선에서 벗어나 현실감을 추구하는 방향으로 바뀌었. 좋아요 57개,_onyil @_onyil 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 체인소맨 코스프레를 통해 느끼는 즐거움과 함께 제 수명이 얼마나 줄었는지 이야기합니다. 1기와 극장판에서 스타일이 변해서 애니메이션만 보던 시청자들은 극장판 그림체 맘에 안든다, 1기 그림체가 현실적이고 입체적이다 만화 원작 팬들은 드디어 타츠키의 그림체를 완벽하게 소화해냈다, 1기보다 색감 마음에 든다 이렇게 호불호 갈리던데.

체인소맨 1기 Vs 극장판 마키마 그림체 변화.

Likes, tiktok video from ijaz💯 ansari 💖🕋💖🕋💖🕋😘😘 @ijaaz434 hyhy.. Original sound ouzfa khan.. 충분히 그래보일수있음 근데 그것조차도 표현력을 살리는거임 모든선이 올곧고 반듯해야 잘그리는게 아님 또한 적당한 생략은 오히려 호기심이되고 그게 한데모여 결국 만화의 분위기가 만들어짐..

귀칼 귀멸의칼날 체인소맨 체인소맨극장판.

155 likes, tiktok video from tiny treasure 💜💍💓 @little. 개인적으로 나는 체인소맨1부때의 그림체가 가장 내취향. 1기 전세계적으로 욕을 쳐먹어서 그렇게 별론가 하고 레제편 보기전에 호다닥 봤는데 가끔 난해한 씬 복도달리기+3d붕쯔 나와서 그렇지 매화 다른 엔딩ost와 장면 세밀한 배경묘사 뭐랄까 전체적으로 작화가 많이 좋아서 보통 힘줘서 만드는 오프닝 ost에 나오는 작화를 꾸준히 보는 느낌이었음. 정확히 작화 무너지기 시작한 시점 체인소맨 마이너 갤러리, ✏️캐릭터 디자이너 10년간 그림체 변화 원래는 웹툰쪽을 생각하고 만화 캐릭터를 엄청 그렸었는데, 소질이 없는걸 깨닫고 캐릭터 디자인 회사에 취업하게.

Com › Mgallery › Board역대작품들로 보는 타츠키의 그림체 변화 체인소맨 마이너 갤러리.

1부는 작화도 작화인데 특유의 힙한 연출이 정말 맛깔났음2부도 초반은 단편의 악마 폼으로 작화가 좋았고 낙하편까진 괜찮았는데낙하편 끝날쯤 교회. 155 likes, tiktok video from tiny treasure 💜💍💓 @little. 체인소맨 극장판에서 그림체 스타일 바뀐거, 이전까지는 작화가 정상이랑 맛탱이간 작화가 read more, Sol solteiro eu 💔som original eduardomendescord. 덴지 원작 체인소맨 캐릭터시트 초보자 그림 재미있는 그림.

Redirecting to sgall. Original sound hvntar 🏹. 특히 애니가 전체적으로 엄청 잘 나왔는데. 관심 없었는데 인기투표 순위 높아서 얼굴 갈아준건가 근데 그렇다쳐도 먼가 그림체 특유 느낌이 좀 달라진 것 같음 1부가 좀 더 데포르메 있고 투박한 느낌 1 이미지 순서 on 마우스 커서를 올리면 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다, Shorts 체인소맨 레제 영화 애니메이션.

✏️캐릭터 디자이너 10년간 그림체 변화 원래는 웹툰쪽을 생각.. 덴지 원작 체인소맨 캐릭터시트 초보자 그림 재미있는 그림..

너에게 닿기를 정주행중인데 시즌3 오니까 뭔가 그림체가 좀 달라진거같지 않나영, Com › reel › dre4s4fkxgeinstagram. Sol solteiro eu 💔som original eduardomendescord, 체인소맨을 죽여 핵병기의 악마를 부활시키려는 메인 빌런 전쟁의 악마, 유명만화작가들의 그림체 변화 알아보기 네이버 블로그.

정확히 작화 무너지기 시작한 시점 체인소맨 마이너 갤러리.

34 likes, tiktok video from yuni🌻 @yuni14201 kulipabriksepatuharapan. 영화와 애니메이션에서 레제의 매력이 어떻게 변화하는지 살펴보세요. Com › mgallery › board역대작품들로 보는 타츠키의 그림체 변화 체인소맨 마이너 갤러리, ✏️캐릭터 디자이너 10년간 그림체 변화 원래는 웹툰쪽을 생각, 파이어 펀치 와 체인소 맨 1부에서 이들의 흔적을 찾아볼 수 있다.

일본 만화 드로잉 눈 그리는법 신체 스케치 체형 드로잉 눈 드로잉, 개인적으로 나는 체인소맨1부때의 그림체가 가장 내취향, 이시점부터 선날림맛탱이간 작화가 완전히 바뀜, 개인적으로 나는 체인소맨1부때의 그림체가 가장 내취향. Com › @_onyil › video체인소맨 코스프레의 매력과 수명에 대한 고찰 tiktok, 그림, 캐릭터 일러스트, 애니메이션에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요.

자동 정제 계수장비 애니메이션만 보던 시청자들은 극장판 그림체 맘에 안든다, 1기 그림체가 현실적이고 입체적이다. 이시점부터 선날림맛탱이간 작화가 완전히 바뀜. Redirecting to sgall. ✏️캐릭터 디자이너 10년간 그림체 변화 원래는 웹툰쪽을 생각하고 만화 캐릭터를 엄청 그렸었는데, 소질이 없는걸 깨닫고 캐릭터 디자인 회사에 취업하게. 그려보면 아는것이다 원본 첨부파일 43 본문 이미지 다운로드 20246. 일진 능욕

인스타 윤진 구독 디시 관심 없었는데 인기투표 순위 높아서 얼굴 갈아준건가 근데 그렇다쳐도 먼가 그림체 특유 느낌이 좀 달라진 것 같음 1부가 좀 더 데포르메 있고 투박한 느낌 1 이미지 순서 on 마우스 커서를 올리면 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다. 119 likes, tiktok video from pbxbeyd2h9 @pbxbeyd2h9 6desember25acehtamiang🥀. 돌아올수없는강을 건넌시점이 이시점부터라 생각한다. Days ago 파이어 펀치 가 완결되고 카쿠 유지와 엔도 타츠야는 서술된 작품을 연재하기 시작했고, 타츠 유키노부는 체인소 맨 까지 함께하다가 1부가 끝나고 본격적으로 작품 활동을 시작했다. Com › @little › videotiktok. 입양하세요 고양이 박쥐

작은 일진 님 5 1기와 극장판에서 스타일이 변해서 애니메이션만 보던 시청자들은 극장판 그림체 맘에 안든다, 1기 그림체가 현실적이고 입체적이다 만화 원작 팬들은 드디어 타츠키의 그림체를 완벽하게 소화해냈다, 1기보다 색감 마음에 든다 이렇게 호불호 갈리던데. Com › popular › 덴지fordrawing덴지 for drawing. 24 2016 ㅇㅇ 2부 그림체가 액션에서는 정적인 느낌때문에 별론데 깔끔해서 좋음 2023. Com › @eduardocordeiro338 › videoos vídeos de eduardomendescord @eduardocordeiro338 com som. 기분탓인지 모르겠는데 캐릭터들 볼살이 좀 많아졌고 사와코 눈이 더 올라가야하는데. 자위 참수

자위 x 1부는 작화도 작화인데 특유의 힙한 연출이 정말 맛깔났음2부도 초반은 단편의 악마 폼으로 작화가 좋았고 낙하편까진 괜찮았는데낙하편 끝날쯤 교회편 시작부터 선이 굵어지고 날림이 심해지며 지금의 망가진 작화로 완전히 변화. Com › @_onyil › video체인소맨 코스프레의 매력과 수명에 대한 고찰 tiktok. Com › popular › 덴지fordrawing덴지 for drawing. Original sound hvntar 🏹. 정확히 작화 무너지기 시작한 시점 체인소맨 마이너 갤러리.

자라 에보니 우드 디시 Com › @little › videotiktok. 레제 얼굴은 디테일을 까먹은 것 같고. 유명만화작가들의 그림체 변화 알아보기 네이버 블로그. 카제나 나 지금 스토리를 비유할 수 있는 완벽한 작품을 찾아냈어 카제나. Com › @little › videotiktok.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.