US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
원래는 3회는 공조냉동기계기사 필기를 볼생각이였으나올해 너무 성적이 저조 했다소방에만 2번. 철도신호기사 철도차량기사 초음파비파괴검사기사 초음파비파괴검사기사구 철도신호기사 철도차량기사 초음파비파괴검사기사 초음파비파괴검사기사구. 철도신호기사 필기 기출문제 및 예상문제 cbt 문제은행 해설 업데이트중 철도신호기사 기출문제 에듀채널 공무원, 군무원, 7,9급기술직, 기사산업기사, 자격증, 부동산, 경찰공무원, 소방공무원, 뉴스, 시험공고, 수험가이드, 학습자료, 기출문제 educh. 철도신호산업기사 필기 기출문제 cbt 문제은행 해설 업데이트중 철도신호산업기사 기출문제 에듀채널 공무원, 군무원, 7,9급기술직, 기사산업기사, 자격증, 부동산, 경찰공무원, 소방공무원, 뉴스, 시험공고, 수험가이드, 학습자료, 기출문제 educh.
전체 기능사 산업기사 기사 기능장 공무원. Url 복사 이웃추가 2025년도 철도신호산업기사 자격증 독학 4개월만에 취득법 2025년도 철도신호산업기사 자격증 독학 4개월만에 취득법 2025년도 철도신호산업기사 자격증 독학 4개월만에 취득법 안녕하세요, 여러분. 2023년부터 cbt computer based test 방식으로 변경되어 문제 은행에서 무작위로 출제되기 때문에, 단순히 기출문제만 암기하는 것으로는 합격을 보장할 수. 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 3 06, 그리고, js철도신호 스터디 카페의 도움을 많이 받았어요.철도신호일반은 철도신호공학 의 내용으로 출제되었으며, 전기철도일반은 전기철도공학과 전기철도구조물공학의 기초부분 지선,기초 지지물만 출제되었다.. 철도신호기사 필기 d2 모노레일 마이너 갤러리.. 철도신호기사 필기 기출문제복원 20220424.. 끝까지 읽어보시고 2025년 철도신호기사 시험 정보 얻어가세요..광역시 도시철도 신호직 후기 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 철도신호기사 실기시험은 작업형으로 큐넷 사이트에서 총 4개의 유형의 문제가 공개되어 있습니다. 철도신호기사 필기 d2 모노레일 마이너 갤러리. 2025년 철도신호기사 시험 정보 알아보고 계셨나요. 그런데, 2026년부터 위에서 표기된 과목으로 진행될 예정이다. 지금은 다른거 하고있는데 할일없어서 썰 풀어봄 신호직이 뭐하는거냐면 말그대로임 신호설비 유지보수 하는거임 신호설비엔 신호기 선로전환기 궤도. 철도판 현직자분들 있으신가요 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 철도신호기사 필기 합격 with 후기 모노레일 마이너 갤러리. Url 복사 이웃추가 철도신호기사 자격증 응시자격과 필기 기출문제로 준비하는 방법 철도신호기사 자격증 응시자격과 필기 기출문제로 준비하는 방법 철도신호기사 자격증 응시자격과 필기 기출문제로 준비하는 방법, 동생이 면접 잘봤는데 떨어저서 우울해합니다 ㅜ 아시는분. 전기기사는 땃고 전기철도랑 철도신호기사 따고 철도 공기업이든 사기업이든 뼈 묻으려고 하는데 일 할만 하신가요 현장직도 ㄱㅊ은데. Com › mgallery › board철도신호기사 필기 합격 with 후기 모노레일 마이너 갤러리.
| 원래는 3회는 공조냉동기계기사 필기를 볼생각이였으나올해 너무 성적이 저조 했다소방에만 2번. | 철도신호 과정있는 학원이 전국에 3개도 안됨. |
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| 관리하고 신호장애 발생시 조치 및 복구를 하는 직렬임 신호직은 열차운행과 매우 밀접한 연관이 있기 때문에 설비 점검은 주로 영업운행이 끝나고 함 물론 기계실의 간단한 점검 정도는 주간근무때도 가능함 주간근무때는 행정업무가 거의 90프로 된다고 보면 됨. | 개요 편집 철도신호기사는 신호장비에 대한 전문지식과 기술을 갖춘 전문기술인력을 양성하려는 목적을 지닌 국가기술자격증이다. |
| 교육에 눈을 떠라, inedu 교육♡ 105개의 글 목록열기. | 철도신호기사는 신호장비에 대한 전문지식과 기술을 갖춘 전문기술인력을 양성하려는 목적을 지닌 국가기술자격증이다. |
| 철도신호일반은 철도신호공학 의 내용으로 출제되었으며, 전기철도일반은 전기철도공학과 전기철도구조물공학의 기초부분 지선,기초 지지물만 출제되었다. | 철도신호기사란 한국 산업인력공단에서 시행하는 철도신호기사 자격시험에 합격하여 그 자격을 취득한 자를 말합니다. |
위의 방법을 통해 어느정도 공부가 되셨다면 cbt를 추천합니다. 일반 서교공 신호 철도신호기사 신호기기 신호공학 뭘로 공부하냐 공붕이49. 철도신호기사 실기시험은 작업형으로 큐넷 사이트에서 총 4개의 유형의 문제가 공개되어 있습니다. Com › mgallery › board광역시 도시철도 신호직 후기 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 철도신호기사 engineer railroad signal apparatus 관련부처 국토교통부 시행기관 한국산업인력공단.
Com › gusuto › 2240092046282025년 제2회 철도신호기사 필기실기 후기 합격 네이버 블로그. 개요 편집 철도신호기사는 신호장비에 대한 전문지식과 기술을 갖춘 전문기술인력을 양성하려는 목적을 지닌 국가기술자격증이다. 철도신호기사 필기 d2 모노레일 마이너 갤러리.
Com › gusuto › 2240092046282025년 제2회 철도신호기사 필기실기 후기 합격 네이버 블로그. 카페에서 발행하는 필기대비서 책을 신청해서 준비를 하셔도되구요, 기사산업기사 연간 기사산업기사 회별 검정시행일정. 개요 편집 철도신호기사는 신호장비에 대한 전문지식과 기술을 갖춘 전문기술인력을 양성하려는 목적을 지닌 국가기술자격증이다. 전기기사 봤을때 보다 더 안나오는거 같다 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 철도신호기사는 철도에서 열차의 안전운행과 수송능력의 향상을 도모하기 위하여 철도의 신호장치, 선로전환장치, 궤도회로 장치, 연동장치, 폐색장치, 건널목 보안장치, 기타 안전설비 등과 같은 신호장치를 관리, 취급하는 업무를 수행한다.
모쪼록 신호를 준비하시는 분들 취준생 여러분들에게 도움이 되셨으면 좋겠구요. 다음으로 실기 시험 과목을 확인해 보면, 철도신호 실무이며 총 1과목으로 치러지고 있습니다. 댓글 4 핵심 자격증 7개의 글 목록닫기.
이안 발바닥 이 시험은 단순한 지식을 요구하는 것이 아니라, 철도 시스템의 복잡성을 이해하고 이를 실천적으로 적용하는 능력을 평가합니다. 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 3 06. 교육에 눈을 떠라, inedu 교육♡ 105개의 글 목록열기. Com › musti502 › 222313765077철도신호기사 합격후기 네이버 블로그. 일반 서교공 신호 철도신호기사 신호기기 신호공학 뭘로 공부하냐 공붕이49. 이응경
이직로그 철도신호기사 필기 기출문제 및 예상문제 cbt 문제은행 해설 업데이트중 철도신호기사 기출문제 에듀채널 공무원, 군무원, 7,9급기술직, 기사산업기사, 자격증, 부동산, 경찰공무원, 소방공무원, 뉴스, 시험공고, 수험가이드, 학습자료, 기출문제 educh. Com › entry › 서울교통공사서울교통공사 필기시험 후기 및 복원23년 하반기 신호. 그런데 여러분은 이 거대한 철도 시스템을 안전하게 운영하는 데 필수적인 철도신호기사에 대해 들어보셨나요. 전기 쌍기사 있는데 신호쪽 가려하거든 근데 신호쪽을 암것도몰라서 나중에 면접대비 철교안같은거 공부하면서 따는게 어떤가 하고 시간낭비야. 철도신호기사 필기 합격 with 후기 모노레일 마이너 갤러리. 이치카 히카리
이상형 월드커1 이 시험은 단순한 지식을 요구하는 것이 아니라, 철도 시스템의 복잡성을 이해하고 이를 실천적으로 적용하는 능력을 평가합니다. 전기기사 봤을때 보다 더 안나오는거 같다 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 실기 철도신호기사 실기의 경우 다른 대다수의 시험 필답형과 다르게 작업형입니다. 교육에 눈을 떠라, inedu 교육♡ 105개의 글 목록열기. 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 코레일 사무 합격수기 일반 3 06. 이소윤 풀팩 야동
이이경 추가 폭로 디시 Com › signal0115 › 223880103520자격증 철도신호기사 필기 합격 후기. 철도신호기사는 철도에서 열차의 안전운행과 수송능력의 향상을 도모하기 위하여 철도의 신호장치, 선로전환장치, 궤도회로 장치, 연동장치, 폐색장치, 건널목 보안장치, 기타 안전설비 등과 같은 신호장치를 관리, 취급하는 업무를 수행한다. 2023년부터 cbt computer based test 방식으로 변경되어 문제 은행에서 무작위로 출제되기 때문에, 단순히 기출문제만 암기하는 것으로는 합격을 보장할 수. 개요 편집 철도신호기사는 신호장비에 대한 전문지식과 기술을 갖춘 전문기술인력을 양성하려는 목적을 지닌 국가기술자격증이다. 실기 시험은 작업형으로 약 180분 동안 시험이 진행이 되고 있으며, 100점을 만점으로 60점 이상을 받아야 합격으로 인정받을 수 있죠.
이어리킹 asmr 디시 Redirecting to sgall. 철도신호일반은 철도신호공학 의 내용으로 출제되었으며, 전기철도일반은 전기철도공학과 전기철도구조물공학의 기초부분 지선,기초 지지물만 출제되었다. 원래는 3회는 공조냉동기계기사 필기를 볼생각이였으나올해 너무 성적이 저조 했다소방에만 2번. Com › mgallery › board광역시 도시철도 신호직 후기 공기업 마이너 갤러리. 전체 기능사 산업기사 기사 기능장 공무원.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.