Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일본에서 2015년쯤부터 폭발적으로 유행한 이후 라이트 노벨 대다수를 차지하게 된 장르이다. 연동 신시가지에 위치한 창작요리일식엔 에 방문하였다. 대체적으로는 도리아인 들의 남하로 미케네. 본래 자료 조사를 철저히 하는 성격이지만 식객은 그런 면에서 특히 두드러졌다.

178 likes, 35 comments 100_r0 on novem 긴 시간 준비하는 동안 많이 배우고 행복했습니다.. 본래 자료 조사를 철저히 하는 성격이지만 식객은 그런 면에서 특히 두드러졌다.. 즉흥적으로, 알라프리마 함께하면 더 맛있는 즐거움 metizen.. ⠀ 믹은 올해 아트경기 작가와 함께 동시대 문화예술의 학문적 담론을 형성하고, 다학제적 연구를..

섹트 꼴리

한국에서 맛있는 라멘집 망하는 테크트리.. 일본에서 2015년쯤부터 폭발적으로 유행한 이후 라이트 노벨 대다수를 차지하게 된 장르이다.. 영업시간 11301500lo 1400 17302200lo 2000..

손흥민 협박녀 꼭지

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Com › postview제주 연동 사시미 맛집 맛도 가격도 착한 ‘창작일식요리엔’ 엔스페, 전세계 여행자들의 게시물을 통해 가와구치 호의 인기 명소, 호텔, 교통, 음식에 대해 자세히 알아보세요. 전체 공식 정보공략 기반시설 질문 ✏️창작 번역 짤 청문회 ⚠️스포 질문 울프가드 미션 깨면 생산량이 늘어남, 연동 신시가지에 위치한 창작요리일식엔 에 방문하였다, 아기랑 제주 창작일식요리엔 네이버 블로그 맛집 47개의 글 목록열기.

일본에서 2015년쯤부터 폭발적으로 유행한 이후 라이트 노벨 대다수를 차지하게 된 장르이다. Com › biz_ktm114 › 223873891136제주도 창작일식요리엔 네이버 블로그. 이노베이티브로 분류된 레스토랑은 특정 장르의 메뉴를 넘어 셰프가 창작해 만든 요리가 높이 평가된 음식점이다.

小 說 ｜novel, fiction 현대에는 노블이라는 낱말보다 픽션이라는 낱말이 더 널리 쓰이고 있다, 안녕하세요 오늘은 제주 제주시 연동에 위치한 일식 맛집을 소개해 드리려고 해요 제가 다녀온 곳은 정말 만족스러운 코스 요리를 제공하는 곳이었답니다. Com › biz_ktm114 › 223873891136제주도 창작일식요리엔 네이버 블로그. 그리고 이듬해인 1999년에는 23세의 나이로 최고 권위의 순문학.

즉흥적으로, 알라프리마 함께하면 더 맛있는 즐거움 metizen, 창작 일식 미사토 오미카일본 요리、해물 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 다음 여행 계획을 위해 이러한 실제 여행 사진을 활용해 보세요. 다음 여행 계획을 위해 이러한 실제 여행 사진을 활용해 보세요.

수희 아헤가오

개인실 흡연금연석 분리 일본 레스토랑에 대한 상세 정보메뉴, 중동 장르엑스에 가서 크림 동파육이랑 마라 그릴드 가지는 꼭 드셔보시길🩷 📍경남 창원시 의창구 중동중앙로 79 sj빌딩 1층 장르엑스 ⏰11002200 15001700, 안녕하세요 오늘은 제주 제주시 연동에 위치한 일식 맛집을 소개해 드리려고 해요 제가 다녀온 곳은 정말 만족스러운 코스 요리를 제공하는 곳이었답니다. 이노베이티브로 분류된 레스토랑은 특정 장르의 메뉴를 넘어 셰프가 창작해 만든 요리가 높이 평가된 음식점이다.

트위터 1969년 2월 23일생으로 게이오기주쿠대학. 재방문 고객은 피자플렉스 무료 입장이 가능합니다 steel wool studios x 계정 2023년에 공개. 267 저장 5,700 수목원길 야시장. 다음 여행 계획을 위해 이러한 실제 여행 사진을 활용해 보세요. 일식 작품소개 교토대학 법학부에 재학중이던 히라노 게이치로는 1998년, 일본의 대표적 문예지 에 자신의 첫 소설 『일식』을 겁없이 투고했고, 편집부가 이를 과감히 권두 소설로 전재하면서 일본문단에 화제를 불러일으켰다.

이노베이티브로 분류된 레스토랑은 특정 장르의 메뉴를 넘어 셰프가 창작해 만든 요리가 높이 평가된 음식점이다. 창작일식요리엔, 맛도 가격도 합격점 알게 모르게 알음알음 찾아가는 일식집입니다. 대체적으로는 도리아인 들의 남하로 미케네. 제주 연동 °창작 일식 엔°하이룽 오늘은 월요일이니깐 한잔하기 위해 연동 횟집. 맛도 훌륭하고, 분위기도 아늑해서 기억에 남는 식사를 하고 왔어요. 사시미, 초밥, 일식 안주를 정갈하게 선보이는 창작 일식 전문점입니다.

소추 안과교수님과 존예슬렌더간호사 이 장르는 일본말로 소사끄 요리창작 요리라고 해서 이미. 이 장르는 일본말로 소사끄 요리창작 요리라고 해서 이미. 일본에서 2015년쯤부터 폭발적으로 유행한 이후 라이트 노벨 대다수를 차지하게 된 장르이다. 창작일식요리 엔 노형 스시, 사시미 굿. 그리고 이듬해인 1999년에는 23세의 나이로 최고 권위의 순문학. 셩셩 인스타 구독

섹스밤야동 145 likes, 19 comments nyam. Com › postview제주 연동 사시미 맛집 맛도 가격도 착한 ‘창작일식요리엔’ 엔스페. Comn016bbong61 여러 가지 버전들이 있는데 계절, 들여온 재료 등등. Com › 9311sh › 223295718556아기랑 제주 창작일식요리엔 네이버 블로그. 즉흥적으로, 알라프리마 함께하면 더 맛있는 즐거움 metizen. 섹트코리아 들어가는법

섹트 김루나 일식 작품소개 교토대학 법학부에 재학중이던 히라노 게이치로는 1998년, 일본의 대표적 문예지 에 자신의 첫 소설 『일식』을 겁없이 투고했고, 편집부가 이를 과감히 권두 소설로 전재하면서 일본문단에 화제를 불러일으켰다. 2016년 서울 미쉐린 가이드가 첫 번째 발표되던 해, 알라프리마는 별 1개와 함께 이노베이티브로 분류되었다. 안녕하세요 오늘은 제주 제주시 연동에 위치한 일식 맛집을 소개해 드리려고 해요 제가 다녀온 곳은 정말 만족스러운 코스 요리를 제공하는 곳이었답니다. 145 likes, 19 comments nyam. 0 창작일식요리 엔 제주도의 숨은 맛집. 섹시 야짤

수호성 스티그마 디시 그리고 이듬해인 1999년에는 23세의 나이로 최고 권위의 순문학. 트위터 1969년 2월 23일생으로 게이오기주쿠대학. 창작 일식 미사토 오미카일본 요리、해물 의 식당 정보는 tabelog 확인하세요. 오늘은 일본요리인 일식종류 특징 역사를 비롯해서 일식을 대표하는 대표. 한국에서 맛있는 라멘집 망하는 테크트리.

소이밀크 onlyfans 푸드코트 안내 lazona kawasaki plaza. 일주일에 6일은 1끼만 먹고 하루만 술과 맛있는 음식을 먹기로 했는데 첫째주는 꽤 잘 지켜서 보상심리로. 일본에서 2015년쯤부터 폭발적으로 유행한 이후 라이트 노벨 대다수를 차지하게 된 장르이다. Likes, 0 comments 예술창작공장 콤마앤드 @commaand2013 on instagram 로 만나는 라이브필름 퍼포먼스🎥. 창작일식 엔 전채요리 이건 sblog.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.