Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

오바마 불의 맞서라 밴스 극좌 선동정치 충돌로 번진. 그래서, 중국방송에서도 한국인의 협소하고 찢어진 눈을 조롱한다. 하이닥네이버 지식in 상담의 김부기 입니다. Com › article › 20250113.

Hentaiera Korean

똥양인들이 웃긴게 찢어진 눈을 혐오하는거임 걸스플래닛.. 물론 찢눈이라고 해서 동양인의 칭키아이가 절대아님.. 눈 부상, 각막 찰과상, 찢어짐에 대해서 질문드려요..

Hitomu.la

Hitomi 오크

찢어진 눈이라는 이름의 록밴드 지난달 4일 대전월드컵경기장에서 열린 국제축구연맹 fifa u20 월드컵 8강전.. 동양인은 눈하고 눈썹과의 사이가 ㅈ나게멀고 눈썹숱 없고 눈알튀어나와서 그냥 단추구멍눈임그 당근남의 4자매 영상에서 찢어진눈만드는 성형.. 큰 눈에 흑백이 분명하고, 길게 찢어져 있다..

오바마 불의 맞서라 밴스 극좌 선동정치 충돌로 번진, 눈 찢어진 애들중에 인성 좋은애들이 한명도 없음ㅋㅋㅋ. 봉황눈보다 한 단계 낮지만 용눈만 갖추어도 일국의 제왕이나 황후가 될 가능성이 높았다고 한다, 찢어진 눈 모델이 논란이 된 이유 weibo 차이 니앙니앙은 찢어진 눈 때문에 불쾌하다는 네티즌들의 공격을 받았다. 아일리시는 최근 10세 연상의 배우 매튜 타일러 보스 29와 연애를 시작했다.

Hitomi Raw Manga

Net › square › 2036781281더쿠 찢어진 눈&mldr. Comlongmammothgreathornedowl 영국 데일리메일은 17일 현지시간 소셜미디어 틱톡에서 빌리 아일리시가 아시아인을 비하하는 단어인 찢어진 눈 chink를 사용하거나, 중국인의 말투를 흉내내는 모습을 엮은 동영상이 확산하고 있다고 보도했다. 이미지ai가 그린 대한민국 ㅇㅇ 112.

적어보이는거지 유전적으로 니들 다수가 그런 눈이야, 동양인은 눈하고 눈썹과의 사이가 ㅈ나게멀고 눈썹숱 없고 눈알튀어나와서 그냥 단추구멍눈임그 당근남의 4자매 영상에서 찢어진눈만드는 성형. 원본 사진혐짤 주의 jeff the killer살인마 제프는 영미권의 도시전설이자 유명한 인터넷의 괴담이다, 하지만 에드윈 카르도나 와 달리 메시는 그라운드를 바라보며 눈 찢기를 했는데 양쪽 선수단엔 동양인이 한 명도 없었다, 눈꺼풀은 림프 흐름이 활발한 부위이며, 눈물샘과 피지선, read more, 봉황눈보다 한 단계 낮지만 용눈만 갖추어도 일국의 제왕이나 황후가 될 가능성이 높았다고 한다.

hitomi mosquitoman Com › board › view‘찢어진 눈’은 동양인이 아니라 ‘한국인’을 조롱하는 말이다jpg. 애초에는 그냥 사진만 있을 뿐이었지만 이후 다른 사람들이 유튜브. 하이닥네이버 지식in 상담의 김부기 입니다. 아일리시는 최근 10세 연상의 배우 매튜 타일러 보스 29와 연애를 시작했다. 28 조회 9947 추천 637 121 이미지우리형이 스시녀랑 결혼했는데 ㅇㅇ 39. https_ xhamster.com

hitomi 漫画 ランキング 근데, 한국인은 이런 게 아니다한국인종의 찢어진 눈매란 건 이런 거. 이로 인해 눈을 감거나 실눈을 뜬 것처럼 보일 수 있지만, 이는 개인의 눈 구조와 표정에 따라 다릅니다. Redirecting to sgall. 동양인은 눈하고 눈썹과의 사이가 ㅈ나게멀고 눈썹숱 없고 눈알튀어나와서 그냥 단추구멍눈임그 당근남의 4자매 영상에서 찢어진눈만드는 성형. 박근혜가 한국의 여자학교에서 단체사진 찍은 거. hitomi ラブラリアット

hitomiml 이건진짜 나한테는 과학이더라고 안좋은일 엮이면 다 찢눈임 그뒤로 쳐다도안봄. 그렇다고 이걸 안하면 뭘해던 효과없다해서 사실상 방법없다고 다들 그러더라 난 찢어진눈을 원하는데 다 의사가 찝으면 좇같은 단추눈 동글뱅이가댐 할수있는건 앞트임 해보는게 전부라더라 눈두덩이지방빼는것도 근육,피부때메 효과없을거래. 그렇다고 이걸 안하면 뭘해던 효과없다해서 사실상 방법없다고 다들 그러더라 난 찢어진눈을 원하는데 다 의사가 찝으면 좇같은 단추눈 동글뱅이가댐 할수있는건 앞트임 해보는게 전부라더라 눈두덩이지방빼는것도 근육,피부때메 효과없을거래. Net › square › 2036781281더쿠 찢어진 눈&mldr. Com › news › read스와치 광고에 동양인 비하 눈 찢기 중국서 논란 일자 사과. hitomi watsondou

highcookie.com 애초에는 그냥 사진만 있을 뿐이었지만 이후 다른 사람들이 유튜브. 그래서, 중국방송에서도 한국인의 협소하고 찢어진 눈을 조롱한다. 진짜 죽고싶다 라는 생각이 수십,수백,수천번 들정도임. 아일리시는 최근 10세 연상의 배우 매튜 타일러 보스 29와 연애를 시작했다. 누워서 아무것도 못하고 고통에 신음하며 최소2주를 보낸다.

hitomi drug 이로 인해 눈을 감거나 실눈을 뜬 것처럼 보일 수 있지만, 이는 개인의 눈 구조와 표정에 따라 다릅니다. Com › news › read스와치 광고에 동양인 비하 눈 찢기 중국서 논란 일자 사과. 29 1305 이전 ‘위장 도박장에서 억대 도박’ 조폭 일당 검거. Comlongmammothgreathornedowl 영국 데일리메일은 17일 현지시간 소셜미디어 틱톡에서 빌리 아일리시가 아시아인을 비하하는 단어인 찢어진 눈 chink를 사용하거나, 중국인의 말투를 흉내내는 모습을 엮은 동영상이 확산하고 있다고 보도했다. Comlongmammothgreathornedowl 영국 데일리메일은 17일 현지시간 소셜미디어 틱톡에서 빌리 아일리시가 아시아인을 비하하는 단어인 찢어진 눈 chink를 사용하거나, 중국인의 말투를 흉내내는 모습을 엮은 동영상이 확산하고 있다고 보도했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.