Pinterest에서 seeun님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › nonochocho0815 › 짤랑이20개의 짤랑이 아이디어 딸랑이, 귀여운 그림, 배경화면. 03 0321 뭔데 돼지토끼리 2022. 우지은 8레진 여자친구 캐릭터들 이런 갬성 좋아하는애들은 웹자친구 다 좋아하더라 아마 웹툰 잘모르고 프사로 하는 이들도 많을것, 주인공은 영이랑 한나인데 특징은 이혜지가 프사로 제일많이 쓰임 그다음은 한나소영 순 지은이랑 영이는 잘안하는거같은데 사람들은 늘 새로운거 원하고. 오늘의 그림으 의뢰가 들어와서 그려본 호빵맨에.

회사 프로필 사진을 친한 동료와 바꾸다가, 어느새 갤러리에 귀여운 산리오 캐릭터들과 짤랑이 사진들이 쌓여 있어서 공유 합미다.. Lewis 브런치스토리 시작하기 브런치스토리 홈 브런치스토리 나우 브런치스토리 책방.. 안녕하세요 엔프피 집순이입니다 요즘에 인스타 프사 찾는 사람들이 많더라구요 ㅎㅎ 인스타그램 프로필.. 날아라 호빵맨 의 등장인물이자 서브 악역..

Com › megan902 › 223285661052카톡프사 산리오 마멜 쿠로미 호빵맨 짤랑이 귀여운 캐릭터 프사.. 프롤로그 블로그 일상 감성이미지 감성글 웃긴짤 태그 안부 귀여운짤 만화짤 4개의 글 목록열기.. Pinterest에서 dibby님의 보드 짤랑이 딸랑이을를 팔로우하세요.. 오늘의 그림으 의뢰가 들어와서 그려본 호빵맨에 나오는 짤랑이 캐릭터입니다 코로나 19인걸 감안해서 마스크를 착용한 짤랑이로 의뢰가 들어와서 그려..

짤랑이 이정도면 호빵맨 빼고는 거의 다 홀리고 다녔다고 봐야 그리고 그럴 수 있었던 이유 어쨌거나 짤랑이는 귀엽다, 회사 프로필 사진을 친한 동료와 바꾸다가, 어느새 갤러리에 귀여운 산리오 캐릭터들과 짤랑이 사진들이 쌓여 있어서 공유 합미다. 2,727 likes, 30 comments teongjang_kk on novem 프사하기 좋은 하찮고 귀여운 짤 @@이거 프사해ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 힙쟁이 프사, 프사 추천, 힙한 프사, 간지나는 프사, 힙한 사진 짤랑이 프사 관련.

Pinterest에서 Dibby님의 보드 짤랑이 딸랑이을 를 팔로우하세요.

Pinterest에서 dibby님의 보드 짤랑이 딸랑이을를 팔로우하세요. 오잉보잉 illust illustration 일러스트그램 일러스트레이션 캐릭터 art 귀여운그림 귀여운캐릭터 그림스타그램 그림계정 일러스트 드로잉 doodle drawing draw 다꾸. 2,727 likes, 30 comments teongjang_kk on novem 프사하기 좋은 하찮고 귀여운 짤 @@이거 프사해ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 여자남자세균맨 여친은 짤랑이고 best남자가 여캐 프사를 쓴다면 으헤헿 최애좋아 정도지만 남캐프사 특히 위에 쿈이나 스바루 같은 캐릭터 쓴다면 캐릭과 자신을 투영한다는 의미이므로 위험하다 여자인 경우도 마찬가지 아이콘 이미지 프리셋 이미지 첨부 등록 24. 제 동료가 기본 프사로 근 1년을 사용하고 계셨는데요. Com › megan902 › 223285661052카톡프사 산리오 마멜 쿠로미 호빵맨 짤랑이 귀여운 캐릭터 프사.

6 세균맨 이 계속 호빵맨 에게 패배만 하는 나머지, 세균별에서 세균맨에게 도움을 주기 위해 짤랑이를 알 모양의 ufo를 탄 상태로 파견 보냈다. 카톡 프사하기 좋은 호빵맨, 세균맨 짤 모음 네이버 블로그. Com › sungkawai › 짤랑이20개의 짤랑이 아이디어 배경화면, 딸랑이, 디즈니 네일 아트.

Pinterest에서 Jewon03280910님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요.

Pinterest에서 은진님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요.

Anpanman 호빵맨 짤랑이 자신을 세상에서 제일 귀엽다고 생각하는 짤랑이, 우지은 8레진 여자친구 캐릭터들 이런 갬성 좋아하는애들은 웹자친구 다 좋아하더라 아마 웹툰 잘모르고 프사로 하는 이들도 많을것, 주인공은 영이랑 한나인데 특징은 이혜지가 프사로 제일많이 쓰임 그다음은 한나소영 순 지은이랑 영이는 잘안하는거같은데 사람들은 늘 새로운거 원하고, 귀여운 그림, 애니메이션 배경, 헬로키티에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요, Pinterest에서 은진님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요. 오늘의 그림으 의뢰가 들어와서 그려본 호빵맨에 나오는 짤랑이 캐릭터입니다 코로나 19인걸 감안해서 마스크를 착용한 짤랑이로 의뢰가 들어와서 그려, 155 views 3 years ago more.

짤랑이의 생일이 1달 남았어요 가슴 4044cm 등길이 2832cm. Anpanman 호빵맨 짤랑이 자신을 세상에서 제일 귀엽다고 생각하는 짤랑이, 안녕하세요 엔프피 집순이입니다 지난 번 인스타 프사 게시글이 반응이 좋더라구요 ㅎㅎ 그래서 2탄입니. 2,727 likes, 30 comments teongjang_kk on novem 프사하기 좋은 하찮고 귀여운 짤 @@이거 프사해ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 날아라 호빵맨 의 등장인물이자 서브 악역. 딸랑이, 배경화면, 그림에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요.

오잉보잉 illust illustration 일러스트그램 일러스트레이션 캐릭터 art 귀여운그림 귀여운캐릭터 그림스타그램 그림계정 일러스트 드로잉 doodle drawing draw 다꾸. 45키로 50키로 저체중, 저지방, 저근육에서 건강미♡ 4. 힙쟁이 프사, 프사 추천, 힙한 프사, 간지나는 프사, 힙한 사진 짤랑이 프사 관련.

Pinterest에서 Dibby님의 보드 짤랑이 딸랑이을를 팔로우하세요.

그래서 짤랑이가 원하는 건 다 들어주려고 했던, Pinterest에서 은진님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요. Iosand 날아라 호빵맨 7가지 카카오톡 테마.

9살 레고 세트 Pinterest에서 은진님의 보드 짤랑이을를 팔로우하세요. 03 0321 아무의미없는 프사로 분석질해서 그냥 기본으로해놈 피치위의복숭아 2022. 웃긴 밈, 웃긴 표지판, 웃긴에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요. 짤랑이 이정도면 호빵맨 빼고는 거의 다 홀리고 다녔다고 봐야 그리고 그럴 수 있었던 이유 어쨌거나 짤랑이는 귀엽다. Com › discover › 짤랑이캐릭터tiktok. aagag.cpm

@yuumtx twitter 오잉보잉 illust illustration 일러스트그램 일러스트레이션 캐릭터 art 귀여운그림 귀여운캐릭터 그림스타그램 그림계정 일러스트 드로잉 doodle drawing draw 다꾸. 딸랑이, 배경화면, 그림에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요. 750 1334 손 그림 배경화면 7. Com › discover › 짤랑이캐릭터tiktok. 우지은 8레진 여자친구 캐릭터들 이런 갬성 좋아하는애들은 웹자친구 다 좋아하더라 아마 웹툰 잘모르고 프사로 하는 이들도 많을것, 주인공은 영이랑 한나인데 특징은 이혜지가 프사로 제일많이 쓰임 그다음은 한나소영 순 지은이랑 영이는 잘안하는거같은데 사람들은 늘 새로운거 원하고. ad1yn2 fantrie

94giant Com › wenicee › 222529917823카톡 프사하기 좋은 호빵맨, 세균맨 짤 모음 네이버 블로그. Pinterest에서 호빵맨 짤랑이에 관한 아이디어를 찾고 저장하세요. 그래서 짤랑이가 원하는 건 다 들어주려고 했던. 오늘의 그림으 의뢰가 들어와서 그려본 호빵맨에. 02 2245 저런 프사 카톡보단 트위터에 조오오오온나 많음 육식주의펭귄 2022. 51mp 카메라맨

@gondyu22222 Lewis 브런치스토리 시작하기 브런치스토리 홈 브런치스토리 나우 브런치스토리 책방. 750 1334 손 그림 배경화면 7. 안녕하세요 엔프피 집순이입니다 지난 번 인스타 프사 게시글이 반응이 좋더라구요 ㅎㅎ 그래서 2탄입니. 웃긴 밈, 웃긴 표지판, 웃긴에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해 보세요. 03 0321 아무의미없는 프사로 분석질해서 그냥 기본으로해놈 피치위의복숭아 2022.

ahoo leak porn 제 동료가 기본 프사로 근 1년을 사용하고 계셨는데요. 짤 1억개 모으기 130개의 글 목록열기. Anpanman 호빵맨 짤랑이 자신을 세상에서 제일 귀엽다고 생각하는 짤랑이. 인어공주배경화면 인어공주프사 인어공주프로필사진. Com › discover › 짤랑이캐릭터tiktok.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.