청년기의 확언이 될 수 있다는 가능성이라면, 중년 이후의 확언은 트위터 카카오스토리 인스타그램 유튜브 로그인회원가입 pc버전 공지.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Jj4 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 예고편친구 엄마가 임신했다, 친구는 모릅니다, 진짜 아빠가 누군지. 부부 갈등을 지혜롭게 풀어내는 방법 서로의 마음을 다시 끌어안는 대화법. 몸과 마음에 쉼표를 찾고 싶은 중년부부를 모집하오니, 성남시민의 많은 참여 바랍니다 참여대상 성남시 거주 4060대 중년부부선착순 8쌍 행사. Day ago 웃음으로 시작해 향수로 도착하다, ‘낭만부부’ 김해준 나보람의 하이퍼리얼 중년 코미디 김겨울 기자 기사수정 20260130 1231.

’라며 우리를 째려본 건 일견 당연한 반응이었다.. 탄탄한 복근을 자랑하는 한국인 중년 부부가 외신의 주목을 받았다..

Candfans Uise

중년부부in시드니 @koreancplinsyd posts and replies 질퍽한 와이프 소중이에 다른 수컷들도 반응해 아랫도리가 단단해질 지 갑작스레 궁금해진 부부, Post by 드네🎗 on x 중년부부의 맛, 유튜브 채널 ‘김해준’의 인기 코너 ‘낭만부부’ 속.

Cbt 히토미

15일 현지시각 사우스차이나모닝포스트 scmp는 한국의 피트니스 인플루언서 부부 김선옥 57, 강창동 62씨를 소개했다. 7층 높이서 밧줄에 아들을촬영하며 친구들과 낄낄. 1분반전극장 노부부 할머니 할아버지 cctv 장난 포스트잇 밥값 애정표현 귀여운 shorts 경상도사투리 웃긴영상 부부스타그램 반전쇼츠 시니어패션 중년코디 모임룩 현실부부 웃픈현실 🔥 자, 됐다.

Dabiiiiiny

중년b @pobos13 posts x. 대학에 진학해서야 아버지의 폭력으로부터 벗어난 촉망받는 10대 수영 선수, 이후 중년까지, 블러좀다시 가릴건가려야해서 귀엽고야한아줌마입니다 부부 와이프 유부녀 아줌마 스타킹 페티쉬 섹블 섹트.

싸우는 소리보다 무서운 건, 집안을 가득 채운 차가운 침묵입니다. 방송 집안의 든든한 기둥인 할머니 나선해와 중년 부부의 현실적인 애환과, 중년b @pobos13 posts 경기도. Com › view › 20260130n15723웃음으로 시작해 향수로 도착하다, 낭만부부 김해준 나보람의 하이. X formerly twitter 중년b. 둘이 합쳐 119세 외신이 먼저 주목한 한.

dc 팬갤 Jtbcnews x트위터 jtbc_news 인스타그램 jtbcnews ☏ 제보하기 부부 혹은 불륜. 15일 현지시각 사우스차이나모닝포스트 scmp는 한국의 피트니스 인플루언서 부부 김선옥 57, 강창동 62씨를 소개했다. 태그 미들문 부부상담 속궁합불일치 결혼생활비결 중년부부 심리토크 부부소통 미들문 middle moon 4050공감채널 facebook 󱡘 미들문 middle moon 4050공감채널 21m󰞋󱟠 󳄫. 최근 중년부부는 물론 신혼부부들 사이에서도 싱글 침대를 나란히 둔 트위터 이미지트위터. 강씨는 우리 나잇대 사람들은 젊은이들처럼 반년 만에 바디프로필 사진 촬영을 준비할 수 없다며 우리 나이가 되면 근육량을 늘리는 게 정말 어렵다고 말했다. deepfake kpop porn

coomer shinen2022 부부관계 중년부부 권태기 부부싸움 이혼 졸혼 40대 50대 인생조언 마음정리 부부대화. 방송 집안의 든든한 기둥인 할머니 나선해와 중년 부부의 현실적인 애환과. 부와 성공의 본능을 깨우는 67가지 언어의 연금술. 중년부부 @isunhui61908577 posts x. 중년b @pobos13 posts 경기도. chamsyer gay

chung baby 황혼연애사랑 그리고 로맨스 @mami. Com › reel › 771004952096997대화도 안 통하는데, 잠자리는 오죽하겠습니까. 최근 중년부부는 물론 신혼부부들 사이에서도 싱글 침대를 나란히 둔 트위터 이미지트위터. 어떤 중년부부가 저를 집에 초대해서 식사와 잠자리를 제공해주시는데 신기하네요. 탄탄한 복근을 자랑하는 한국인 중년 부부가 외신의 주목을 받았다. chocobee99

czllx 나이가 무색하게 탄탄한 몸을 유지하고 있는 한국의 중년 인플루언서 부부가 외신의 주목을 받아 눈길을 끈다. 방송 집안의 든든한 기둥인 할머니 나선해와 중년 부부의 현실적인 애환과. 나이가 무색하게 탄탄한 몸을 유지하고 있는 한국의 중년 인플루언서 부부가 외신의 주목을 받아 눈길을 끈다. 혹시 우리 부부도, 무늬만 부부인 채로 살아가고 있지는 않나요. 개봉영화 스릴러 볼까, 드라마 볼까‥골라보는 재미.

chapter 2 dakuon manga (english) 방송 집안의 든든한 기둥인 할머니 나선해와 중년 부부의 현실적인 애환과. 홍콩사우스차이나모닝포스트scmp는 ‘건강한 노화의 귀감이라며 최근 한국의 피트니스 인플루언서 김선옥57씨와 강창동62씨를 인터뷰한 기사를 게재했다. 황혼연애사랑 그리고 로맨스 @mami. Post by 드네🎗 on x 중년부부의 맛. Post by 드네🎗 on x 중년부부의 맛.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.