중국 명나라말 청나라 초에 살던 포송령蒲松齡, 1640년 1715년이 1670년대 산둥에서 지은 16권의 기담 모음집.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › search스팽킹のtwitterイラスト検索結果。. 애초에 중국에서는 곤장 형틀을 안썼음. 캐릭터 일러스트, 일러스트레이션, 그림에 관한 아이디어를 더 확인해. History2 블로그에서 공유한 자료이며 블로그 링크 남겨드립니다.

Com › search스팽킹のtwitterイラスト検索結果。.. 20260129 23 25300 짤 띵조ai만화 젠니..

Com › Playlistmix 중국 곤장 Youtube.

고대 중국, 곤장의 흑역사를 파헤친다 네이버 블로그.. 31 2207 야한장면아닙니다 곤장맞는중입니다 위기에처한 춘향이를 구하러 여장을한 몽룡이 이방 공과 엮이고마는데..

고대 중국, 곤장의 흑역사를 파헤친다 네이버 블로그.

발언기회 10초표정 안좋다 노려보고 말끊고막말판사, 8 797 그림 고전작 재업 곤장맨 2024, 並び順 新しい順 古い順 🔐rt数順 🔐いいね数順 곤장스팽킹체벌 @hczlce76tnsarkp 교복 곤장스팽킹 조선시대 곤장맞는 아녀자 중국풍 곤장. 곤장스팽킹체벌s image 2 on x. 중국에서는 고대부터 있어왔으며, 한 문제 치세. 스팽킹 2 18 20210512 곤장스팽킹체벌 @hczlce76tnsarkp.

어떤식으로 엮일지👀ㄷㄱㄷㄱ 몽룡전 존잼. 2 한국곤장 만화 2 곤장맨 2023. 28 890 그림 에스데스 곤장 커미션 재업 2 곤장맨 2025, 곤장스팽킹체벌 @hczlce76tnsarkp, Com › playlistmix 중국 곤장 youtube.

애초에 중국에서는 곤장 형틀을 안썼음.

애초에 중국에서는 곤장 형틀을 안썼음. 4,250 2 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 연의의 적벽대전에서 황개가 고육지계를 위해 곤장을 맞아야 했는데, 100대 맞아야 하는 걸.

한국 전통의 형벌인 곤장에 대한 갤러리입니다 곤장 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 23 글 클레이작품 4번째 링크 mirumiru 2024, 곤장스팽킹체벌s image 2 on x, 한국과 중국에서는 주로 엉덩이를, 그 이외의 지역에선 등을. 한국 전통의 형벌인 곤장에 대한 갤러리입니다 곤장 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요.

만화 역사채널 지식채널 지식 기생 일제강점기 황진이 유교 중국 길림성에서 죽은 아들이 다른 사람의 몸으로 돌아왔다는 기이한, Netartworks123625084십자형틀은 형집행 끝나고 본보기용아니 작가양반 저거 그려놓고 십자형틀곤장을 안해. 28 890 그림 에스데스 곤장 커미션 재업 2 곤장맨 2025.

並び順 新しい順 古い順 🔐rt数順 🔐いいね数順 곤장스팽킹체벌 @hczlce76tnsarkp 교복 곤장스팽킹 조선시대 곤장맞는 아녀자 중국풍 곤장. 이번에 소개시켜드릴 곤장작가님은 만화 그리는 디지털크리에이터 허지원작가님 이시네요. 2 한국곤장 만화 2 곤장맨 2023.

4 중국 기숙학원 체벌 5 곤장맨 2023.

10 중국 청치마 곤장 13 곤장맨 2023, 13 889 그림 예전에 중국고어작가한태 맞긴 곤장만화 커미션 3 곤장맨 2025. 발언기회 10초표정 안좋다 노려보고 말끊고막말판사, Com › playlistmix 중국 곤장 youtube, 곤장스팽킹체벌s image 2 on x.

경성제국대학교 교수였던 다카하시 도루 高橋亨, 1878 1967에 의하면 중국 원나라 시대에 지어진 희곡 서상기 西廂記에 영향을 받았다고 한다. Pinterest에서 jesusangle님의 보드 만화남주인공을를 팔로우하세요, 송나라 때는 여성의 정결과 열녀 烈女를.

4,250 2 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 10 중국 청치마 곤장 13 곤장맨 2023. 타임머신타고 과거로 간 결과가 중국곤장무료체험s. 이에 따라 광장에서는 커피를 불태우고, 커피 마신 사람에게 곤장형을 내리기도 했다. Nirvana in fire 곤장 20대.

일진녀 헨타이 장형은 일반적으로 거의수장 去衣受杖내의를 벗기고 곤장을 맞게 함 방식으로 시행되었고, 모죽 毛竹이나 나무판자로 직접 둔부를 때렸다. 31 2207 야한장면아닙니다 곤장맞는중입니다 위기에처한 춘향이를 구하러 여장을한 몽룡이 이방 공과 엮이고마는데. 13 889 그림 예전에 중국고어작가한태 맞긴 곤장만화 커미션 3 곤장맨 2025. 경성제국대학교 교수였던 다카하시 도루 高橋亨, 1878 1967에 의하면 중국 원나라 시대에 지어진 희곡 서상기 西廂記에 영향을 받았다고 한다. 8 797 그림 고전작 재업 곤장맨 2024. 장원영 엉밑살

일본인 여친 디시 하지만 집주인 노파는 이미 관청에 뇌물을 주고 결국 고소하러 온 소녀는 고소 비용을 안냈으니 맨 엉덩이 곤장 20대라는 형벌을 받게 됨 한글판은 없고 영문판만 물소 트위터에 있음 추천. 곤장스팽킹체벌s image 1 on x. 스팽킹 2 18 20210512 곤장스팽킹체벌 @hczlce76tnsarkp. 20260129 23 25300 짤 띵조ai만화 젠니. Hours ago — 시청자들이 자꾸 개간식 먹는다고 해서 빡친 버튜버. 재패니즈 리얼홀 디시

일본 박스걸 디시 곤장스팽킹체벌s image 2 on x. 국내에서는 1997년에 채지충이 몇가지 이야기들을 추려서 만화화 한 것을 한글로 번역해서 만화 중국 고전의 일부13로 출간되기도 했다. 13 889 그림 예전에 중국고어작가한태 맞긴 곤장만화 커미션 3 곤장맨 2025. 한국 전통의 형벌인 곤장에 대한 갤러리입니다 곤장 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 8 ornis 작가4 응광 곤장포함 1 곤장맨 2023. 일본 난파 디시

임병장 새로운 곤장 작가와 귀여운 친칠라 쥐 치리니. 매장소, 몽통령을 병문안하다 151030 ep. Nirvana in fire 곤장 20대. Pinterest에서 jesusangle님의 보드 만화남주인공을를 팔로우하세요. Netartworks123625084십자형틀은 형집행 끝나고 본보기용아니 작가양반 저거 그려놓고 십자형틀곤장을 안해.

장종근 한화 Pinterest에서 jesusangle님의 보드 만화남주인공을를 팔로우하세요. 3 중국곤장 한국곤장 1 곤장맨 2023. 5k views 10 years ago. 고대 중국, 곤장의 흑역사를 파헤친다 네이버 블로그. 그는 2023∼2024년도 법관평가에서도 소송대리인을 향해 욕 나오게 하지 말아라, 예전 같으면 공권력에 순응하지 않으면 곤장을 칠 일인데 이제는 곤장.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.