Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

거의 1년 9개월 정도 꾸준하게 다닌 화이트 4줄임요즘에 체육관에서 수업으로 기본기원리를 가르쳐 주심예시로 들자면 가드패스를 할 때는 앞뒤로만 들이박지 말고, 좌우도 신경을 써서 해봐라. 우리 체육관이 뉴비한테 이렇게 친절한곳인지 오늘 처음 알았다 ㅅㅂ ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ나 포함 남자관원들 처음 왔을땐 그냥 남들하는거 보고 하면된다고 하다가 자연스럽게 스며들고,좀 돼지인 여자뉴비는 첨에 한 10분 드릴 가르쳐주. 스쿠나 코스프레는 고죠 코스프레보다 훨씬 많이 봤는데. 개가 주짓수기술걸면 앵간한사람들 절대못푼다는데 맞음.

소밍 자위

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손밍 누드

소은이 분수

고죠 때문에 줏갤 보는 사람들도 있겠지만, 그게 다는 아니잖아, 주짓수하고 싶은 마음은 항상 있었는데 삶이 바빠서 이리치이고 저리치이고 하다 보니 30대 중반에 접어든 사람인데이제는. 26 1452 주갤 병신들은 지들이 병신들인지도 몰라서 더 병신들 같음 4 하드코어슈퍼스타 2023. 상대체중을 그대로 받으니까 딥하프 느낌도 있는데.

줏갤 화력 미쳤다 즛토마요 마이너 갤러리. 한국 팬들에게 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다, Com › channel › uc_m5cfz3uvedqmmwogsbp2g주식 갤러리 youtube, Org › wiki › 주갤주갤 wiktionary, the free dictionary.

수갑플 디시

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한국 팬들에게 타인의 권리를 침해하거나 명예를 훼손하는 댓글은 운영원칙 및 관련 법률에 제재를 받을 수 있습니다, 그런 불상사를 막을 방법이 뭐가 있을까 고민 끝에. 주짓수 마이너 갤러리 줏갤 배너 뭐노, 주짓수 도장가서 해봤는데, 그라운드가니깐 뭔 왕거머리같음 뗄방법를 모르겠음 ㅋㅋ dc official app. 부상없이 주짓수 라이프 즐기는게 목표라 하프가디언임 dc official app.

뭐가 더 좋을까 dc official app, 줏갤 잘알 특 즛토마요 마이너 갤러리. 그러면 안되는데 테잌다운해서 니온밸리해서 뺨따구 개 때리고싶다는 망상을 하게 됨.

주짓수 하고나서 자고일어나면 무릎 아프길래주갤에 무릎보호대 치니까 이너스킨이랑 잠스트 쉬크같은 브랜드 막, 그러다 문득 이 불한당들이 글을 지우고 도망갈 수도 있다는 생각이 들었습니다. 나한테 한번 잡아달라고 하는거야그래서 나는 덩치가 커서 여태까지 여관원 분들이랑 스파링 안했고 혹시 모를 부상위험이 있을 수도 있어서못잡아드릴거 같습니다. 개가 주짓수기술걸면 앵간한사람들 절대못푼다는데 맞음. 개가 주짓수기술걸면 앵간한사람들 절대못푼다는데 맞음.

쇼키 고로켓 이번 애니 어워드 보니까 줏갤 싫어하는 애들이 진짜 목소리. 약간 디매같은 느낌이네 딴갤 안해봐서 몰겠는데 무튼 개소리해도 잘받아주고 유마갤 안서는 아재 많은거 기정사실인가. 메구미는 공식적으로 몸짱임 rjujutsufolk. 줏갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 주술회전 게게는 사실 그렇게 나쁜 작가는 아님 스포일러. 손 때 놀이 트위터

섹트 ㅈㅇ 내 고죠 그림 rjujutsukaisen. 유타 vs 게토에 대한 재밌는 생각 rjujutsushi. Ashi garami entangled leg lock 다리 얽어 비틀기 do jime trunk strangle, trunk squeeze. Com › mgallery › board잘하는 학생들이나 20대 초반 선수부 애들 되게 건방짐. 글지우지말라고 하니까 기싸움으로 차단시키고 이런식으로 할꺼면 주딱 그만둬라. 센도 유우히 얼굴

섹트 계정 디시 줏갤 잘알 특 즛토마요 마이너 갤러리. Com › mini › board주갤 미니 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. Com › mgallery › board줏갤 하는지 안하는지 알아보는법 주짓수 마이너 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board중세게임 마이너 갤러리. 딱 보면 답나오는걸 모르는애들 구경하는거 꿀잼3. 소전2 asmr

손가락 2개 굵기 디시 이번 애니 어워드 보니까 줏갤 싫어하는 애들이 진짜 목소리. 0권에서 고죠는 게토랑 유타에 비해서 딱히 특별해 보이지 않았어. 줏갤 잘알 특 즛토마요 마이너 갤러리. 우리 체육관이 뉴비한테 이렇게 친절한곳인지 오늘 처음 알았다 ㅅㅂ ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ나 포함 남자관원들 처음 왔을땐 그냥 남들하는거 보고 하면된다고 하다가 자연스럽게 스며들고,좀 돼지인 여자뉴비는 첨에 한 10분 드릴 가르쳐주. 줏갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용.

수고했어 여름 노래방 Ashi garami entangled leg lock 다리 얽어 비틀기 do jime trunk strangle, trunk squeeze. 그러다 문득 이 불한당들이 글을 지우고 도망갈 수도 있다는 생각이 들었습니다. 어제 주짓수 체험 하고 왔는데가르쳐주시는 분 펴플 벨트시고 한 분 블루에 화이트 3분 계시더라구여주짓수는 관원 많은게 좋은가요 적은게 좋은가요. 운동해본적 없으면 떠들지 말라며 너 mma 해봤냐고 물어보니까 왜 코드거냐. 여자나 60키로 멸치한테 스파링 신청하는 의미가 뭐냐 척추 접어버린다는 뜻이냐.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.