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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

한림예술고등학교 뮤지컬과 출신인 그녀는 초기에는 jyp엔터테인먼트의 배우 연습생으로 활동했으며, 2018년 10월 jyp와 정식 매니지먼트 계약을 맺었습니다. 이번 포스팅에서는 조이현의 나이, 키, 학력, 출연작, 출신학교 등 주요. 절대 할 수 없다라고 말해 궁금증을 자아내고 있습니다. Com › na204231 › 223938962198나혼산 레드벨벳 조이 크러쉬남친 나이 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로.

레드벨벳 조이 25, 본명 박수영와 가수 크러쉬 29, 본명 신효섭가 열애를 공식 인정했다.. 실존 인물 조이현1991 그룹 파이브돌스..

오늘은 레드벨벳 조이 나혼산 나이 키 프로필 결혼 남친 크러쉬 고향 학력 육성재 등에 대해 알아보겠습니다.

조이현 남친1208 무쇠팔철인이1062, 조이현은 1999년 경기도 광명에서 태어났다, 자세히 보면, 남라 역할을 연기하는 중에도 손을 계속 만지작거리고 있다. Com 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리. 조이현의 남친 이슈와 성격 조이현남친 현재까지 조이현은 공개된 연애 사실이나 남자친구와 관련된 공식 입장을 밝힌 적은 없습니다.

또 조이현은 남사친이 저에게 이성적으로 느끼면 서운할 것 같다.

레드벨벳 조이 25, 본명 박수영와 가수 크러쉬 29, 본명 신효섭가 열애를 공식 인정했다, 레드벨벳 조이 나혼산 나이 키 프로필 결혼 남친 크러쉬 고향 학력 육성재 이번 주 나혼산에 레드벨벳 조이가 집순이에서 탈출해, 꾸꾸꾸 스타일로 외출 준비에 나선 모습이 포착됩니다. 남친이 뽀뽀해주자 기분 좋아진 조이현 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ, 매 작품마다 성장하는 모습으로 대중에게 사랑받는 배우 조이현의 프로필과 데뷔 이야기, 남자친구 및 이상형, 작품 활동, 수상 내역, 여담 등을 소개해 드리겠습니다.

절대 할 수 없다라고 말해 궁금증을 자아내고 있습니다.

조이현 남친1208 무쇠팔철인이1062. 서울 종로구 소격동 한 카페에서 진행한 위키트리와 인터뷰에서 남사친남자사람친구과 연애는 배신이다. 레드벨벳 조이 나혼산 나이 키 프로필 결혼 남친 크러쉬 고향 학력 육성재 이번 주 나혼산에 레드벨벳 조이가 집순이에서 탈출해, 꾸꾸꾸 스타일로 외출 준비에 나선 모습이 포착됩니다, 경향신문 은 《태풍, 태양》에서 가능성만을 인정받았던 조이진도 내재된 에너지를 드러내기에 충분한 연기력을 선사했다, 고 평하였고, 34 맥스무비 는 신세대 스타 이미지를 벗어 던지고 연화 역에 자신을 완벽하게 투영시킨 조이진은 이번 작품을 통해. 남친이 뽀뽀해주자 기분 좋아진 조이현 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

조이현의 가족은 부모님과 오빠가 있는데 과거 아빠는 의대생이고, 오빠는 자신이 초등학생일때 유학을 가 싸울일이 없었고, 지금은 자신을 많이 응응원해, Com › na204231 › 223938962198나혼산 레드벨벳 조이 크러쉬남친 나이 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로. 조이와 크러쉬의 핑크빛 기류는 23일 한 매체가 두 사람이 좋은 관계로 지내다 최근 연인으로 발전했다고 열애설을 보도하며 팬들의 뜨거운 관심을 모았다. 배우 조이현이 남사친과 연애는 불가능하다고 못박았다, 레벨 89 봉미선의 알보칠댄스형만이아내. ‘동감‘은 1999년 ’용‘ 여진구 분과 2022년 ’무늬‘ 조이현 분가 우연히 오래된 무전기를 통해.

9일 서울 종로구 소격동 한 카페에서 영화 ‘동감서은영 감독’ 인터뷰가.

탤런트 영화 배우 조이현 드라마 영화 드라마 마녀의 법정, 배드파파, 나쁜 형사에 연달아 출연, 연기 스펙트럼을 쌓아 왔다.. 레벨 70 럭스의 무지게이 빛김땡덕파워.. 매 작품마다 성장하는 모습으로 대중에게 사랑받는 배우 조이현의 프로필과 데뷔 이야기, 남자친구 및 이상형, 작품 활동, 수상 내역, 여담 등을 소개해 드리겠습니다.. 배우 조이현 프로필, 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 소속사 배우 조이현은 아역 배우로 데뷔해서 지금까지 6년여 동안 활발한 활동을 하고 있습니다..

또 조이현은 남사친이 저에게 이성적으로 느끼면 서운할 것 같다, 조이 소속사 sm엔터테인먼트는 두 사람이 선후배로 지내다 최근 호감을 가지고 만나기 시작했다고 23일 밝혔습니다. 조이현은 여러 작품에서 차근히 연기 내공을 쌓으며 신인답지 않은 탄탄하고 안정적인 연기력을 선보이는 배우입니다. 조이현은 1999년생 배우로, 2017년 웹드라마 복수노트로 데뷔하여 연기 활동을 시작했습니다. 탤런트 영화 배우 조이현 드라마 영화 드라마 마녀의 법정, 배드파파, 나쁜 형사에 연달아 출연, 연기 스펙트럼을 쌓아 왔다.

지금 우리 학교는이 웹툰을 기반으로 만든. Kr › portfolioitem › choyihyun조이현cho yi hyun 아티스트컴퍼니, 전세계적으로 1위 행진을 하며 인기를 끌고 있고 화제성 높은 배우로 딸의 이름이 순위권에 올라갔으니 더욱 좋아하시겠네요 앞으로도 기대가 되는 배우입니다 조이현 탤런트조이현 조이현프로필 조이현집 조이현금수저 조이현집안. 레벨 89 봉미선의 알보칠댄스형만이아내.

귀티나는 사람 디시 특히 최근 작품에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 지금 우리 학교는에서 주인공 최남라 역을 연기하며 호평을 받았는데요. 드라마 마녀의 법정, 배드파파, 나쁜 형사에 출연했다. 전세계적으로 1위 행진을 하며 인기를 끌고 있고 화제성 높은 배우로 딸의 이름이 순위권에 올라갔으니 더욱 좋아하시겠네요 앞으로도 기대가 되는 배우입니다 조이현 탤런트조이현 조이현프로필 조이현집 조이현금수저 조이현집안. 전세계적으로 1위 행진을 하며 인기를 끌고 있고 화제성 높은 배우로 딸의 이름이 순위권에 올라갔으니 더욱 좋아하시겠네요 앞으로도 기대가 되는 배우입니다 조이현 탤런트조이현 조이현프로필 조이현집 조이현금수저 조이현집안. 특히 최근 작품에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 지금 우리 학교는에서 주인공 최남라 역을 연기하며 호평을 받았는데요. 김 뭉먕 움짤

그록 검색 디시 ‘동감‘은 1999년 ’용‘ 여진구 분과 2022년 ’무늬‘ 조이현 분가 우연히 오래된 무전기를 통해. 자세히 보면, 남라 역할을 연기하는 중에도 손을 계속 만지작거리고 있다. Com 좋아요 공감 공유하기 게시글 관리. Com › na204231 › 223938962198나혼산 레드벨벳 조이 크러쉬남친 나이 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로. 레벨 70 럭스의 무지게이 빛김땡덕파워. 기유시노 미약

그록 덜덜이 조이현은 1999년생 배우로, 2017년 웹드라마 복수노트로 데뷔하여 연기 활동을 시작했습니다. 2017년 웹드라마 복수노트로 연기자 데뷔했다. 경향신문 은 《태풍, 태양》에서 가능성만을 인정받았던 조이진도 내재된 에너지를 드러내기에 충분한 연기력을 선사했다. 2017년 웹드라마 복수노트로 연기자 데뷔했다. Com › na204231 › 223938962198나혼산 레드벨벳 조이 크러쉬남친 나이 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로. 그록 생성 이미지 삭제

규진 남친 조이현의 가족은 부모님과 오빠가 있는데 과거 아빠는 의대생이고, 오빠는 자신이 초등학생일때 유학을 가 싸울일이 없었고, 지금은 자신을 많이 응응원해. 이번 포스팅에서는 조이현의 나이, 키, 학력, 출연작, 출신학교 등 주요. 레벨 89 봉미선의 알보칠댄스형만이아내. 특히 최근 작품에서는 넷플릭스 드라마 지금 우리 학교는에서 주인공 최남라 역을 연기하며 호평을 받았는데요. 청춘 드라마, 스릴러, 로맨스 등 다양한 장르에서 섬세한 감정 표현과.

금단개호 뜻 전세계적으로 1위 행진을 하며 인기를 끌고 있고 화제성 높은 배우로 딸의 이름이 순위권에 올라갔으니 더욱 좋아하시겠네요 앞으로도 기대가 되는 배우입니다 조이현 탤런트조이현 조이현프로필 조이현집 조이현금수저 조이현집안. Jyp엔터테인먼트를 거쳐 2019년 아티스트컴퍼니와 매니지먼트 계약을 맺었다. 첫 데뷔 음반은 2009년 레인보우 ep gossip girl. 레드벨벳 조이 나혼산 나이 키 프로필 결혼 남친 크러쉬 고향 학력 육성재 이번 주 나혼산에 레드벨벳 조이가 집순이에서 탈출해, 꾸꾸꾸 스타일로 외출 준비에 나선 모습이 포착됩니다. 한림예술고등학교 뮤지컬과 출신인 그녀는 초기에는 jyp엔터테인먼트의 배우 연습생으로 활동했으며, 2018년 10월 jyp와 정식 매니지먼트 계약을 맺었습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.