심지어 정웅인 본인도 안재욱을 괴롭힌 건 사실이다 라고 고백하기도 했죠.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

`99억의 여자` 정웅인, 조여정에 얼음물 고문→베란다 감금 신체x 다비치, 콘서트 명함에 실제 번호 논란소유자 피해 발생. 그는 과거 장항준의 신혼집에서 강아지에게 물린 뒤 김은희 작가와 다투게 됐는데, 당시 장항준이 정웅인 편을 들다 김은희에게 뺨을 맞았다고. 정웅인이 건방진 인상 때문에 폭행당한 사연을 털어놨다. 1일 방송되는 ena 예능 내 아이의 사생활 23회에서는 정웅인의 세 딸 삼윤이세윤, 소윤, 다윤.

프롬스의 최근 이슈 정웅인 출생1971년 1월 20일 51세충청북도 제천시국적 대한민국본관연일.

정웅인 대학시절 인상탓 폭행당해, 코뼈 부러져 비화공개.

`99억의 여자` 정웅인, 조여정에 얼음물 고문→베란다 감금.

Days ago 배우 김소완이 네오스엔터테인먼트와 전속계약을 체결하고 본격적인 연기 활동에 박차를 가한다.. 기간은 2년으로, 2027년 2월까지다.. 전재산을 다갖고 튀었다정웅인, 충격적 매니저 사기 피해..

정웅인 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 1일 방송되는 ena 예능 내 아이의 사생활 23회에서는 정웅인의 세 딸 삼윤이세윤, 소윤, 다윤. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 스포츠경향 정세윤 공식 sns 갈무리 배우 정웅인의 첫째 딸 정세윤이 뜬금없는 인성을 모독하는 악플에 어이없어 했다.

배우 정웅인은 8월4일 방송된 sbs 힐링캠프, 기쁘지 아니한가에서 대학시절 비화를 공개, 충격적인 정웅인 인성 논란_edited. 동료들이 말하는 정웅인 학폭 수준 네이버 블로그. 첫 화부터 몰입감 미쳤다 ㄷㄷ 진존잼. 이번 영상에서는 인성 문제로 결혼식에 하객이 없는 연예인 top3를 소개합니다. 1일 방송되는 ena 예능 내 아이의 사생활 23회에서는 정웅인의 세 딸 삼윤이세윤, 소윤, 다윤.

라디오스타 정웅인 과거 S예대 후배 폭행.

정웅인 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 결혼, 부인, 논란, 드라마, 영화, 리즈 등 정웅인 나이 정웅인은 1971년 1월 20일 출생하여, 현재 나이는 53살입니다.

23일 오후 서울 논현동 모처에서 kbs 드라마 99억의 여자 종영 인터뷰에서 진행됐다. Com 대학시절 선배 연예인에게 폭행당한 유준상 대학시절 선배 연예인에게 두들겨맞은 유준상 그 선배는 바로 배우 김상중 blog, 큰 딸 중학교 졸업식에 나타나 근황 전한 정웅인지난 2023년 1월 5일 정웅인 아내 이지인 씨는 자신의 sns에 첫째 딸 정. 이날 홍인표는 정서연을 얼음물로 고문했다.

심지어 정웅인 본인도 안재욱을 괴롭힌 건 사실이다 라고 고백하기도 했죠, Com › kimjaetech › 223481543050동료들이 말하는 정웅인 학폭 수준 네이버 블로그. Kr › hotissue › article과거 행실 어땠길래.

twedou 지난 25일 서울 강남구 한 식당에서 sbs 수목드라마 ‘용팔이’극본 장혁린연출 오진석. 그는 과거 장항준의 신혼집에서 강아지에게 물린 뒤 김은희 작가와 다투게 됐는데, 당시 장항준이 정웅인 편을 들다 김은희에게 뺨을 맞았다고. 오늘13일 채널a ‘절친 토큐멘터리 – 4인용식탁’에서는 배우 정웅인이 36년 지기 절친 장항준 감독과 영화 ‘두사부일체’에서 호흡을 맞춘 배우 송선미를 초대한다. 김경호, 남희석, 김희원, 김태우 등이 있습니다. 지난 25일 서울 강남구 한 식당에서 sbs 수목드라마 ‘용팔이’극본 장혁린연출 오진석. twitterdouga

wireless onahole (swehwangjorongie) 첫 화부터 몰입감 미쳤다 ㄷㄷ 진존잼. 프롬스의 최근 이슈 정웅인 출생1971년 1월 20일 51세충청북도 제천시국적 대한민국본관연일. 이날 홍인표는 정서연을 얼음물로 고문했다. 그들의 과거 행동이 현재의 고립된 상황으로 이어졌음을 보여줍니다. 이번 영상에서는 인성 문제로 결혼식에 하객이 없는 연예인 top3를 소개합니다. twitter 19 video

underground idol 애니 심지어 정웅인 본인도 안재욱을 괴롭힌 건 사실이다 라고 고백하기도 했죠. 교통사고로 전신마비 판정갑자기 방송서 사라진 비운의 톱가수 60억이 600억으로강남 빌딩 투자로 잭팟 터뜨린 국민배우 배우가 벼슬. 배우 정웅인의 첫째 딸 정세윤이 악플 피해를 호소했다. 신동엽이 정웅인 때문에 다리에 피멍이 든 적 있다고 폭로했다. 13 오후 0417 4인용식탁 13일 방송. twitter 자지

underground idol telegram 그가 방송에서 보여준 이미지와 상반돼서 큰 충격을 안겨주었다. 결혼식에 후배들 아무도 안 왔다는 연예인. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 스타뉴스 윤성열 기자 배우 정웅인배우 정웅인이 매니저에게 사기를 당해 전 재산을 날렸던 과거를 고백한다. 30일 밤 방송된 sbs ‘화신마음을 지배하는 자’에는 여름방학 특집가장 핫한. 오는 6월 1일 방송되는 ena 일요예능 내 아이의 사생활이하 내생활 23회에서는 코타키나발루에서 가족 여행을 이어가는 스타 베이비 태하와.

twitter 보추 결혼식에 후배들 아무도 안 왔다는 연예인. 정웅인 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 결혼, 부인, 논란, 드라마, 영화, 리즈 등 정웅인 나이 정웅인은 1971년 1월 20일 출생하여, 현재 나이는 53살입니다. 6일 방송된 mbc 예능프로그램 `라디오스타`에는 배우 정웅인과 장현성, 최원영, 서현철이. 그동안 악역으로 대중들에게 강렬한 인상을 남긴. 정웅인은 한 방송에서 우리가 구타를 많이 하긴 했다며 책임을 분산하려고 했으나, 이에 장항준이 정색을 하며 구타는 정웅인 혼자 했다고 말해 정웅인의 책임을 명확히 했습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.