US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
또한 아버지에 대한 애틋함을 드러냈다. 27일 방송된 sbs 본격연예 한밤에서는 옛 드라마 열풍과 전설의 짤 배우 전광렬의 소감이 담겼다. 2020년 코로나19 범유행 당시 서울특별시가 집회를 금지했지만 광화문 일대에서 태극기 집회를 열었다. 34 이후 사랑제일교회에서 확진자가 발생했으며, 35.
14일 오후 방송된 sbs 월화드라마 ‘대박’에서는 이인좌 전광렬 분가 백대길 장근석 분으로부터 목숨을 잃는 과정이 그려졌다, 1959년1 2월 11일 66세, 서울특별시. 이번 주에는 또 어떤 소식들이 연예계를 뜨겁게 달궜을까요, 2001년 10월 6일, 여러 언론이 드라마허준으로 유명한 배우 전광렬이, 여대생 스토커 k양의 폭행사건에 연루됐습니다.| Com › watch배우 전광렬 처참한 근황. | 엠엘비파크 이후 1990년 해방전후사를 다룬 드라마인 ‘여명의 그날’에서 김일성을 맡아서 극 초반을 휘어잡는 카리스마를 보였고. |
|---|---|
| 1 6살 때부터 10년간 수영을 배웠고, 중학교 때까지는 경찰대학에 진학해 형사가 되는 것이 꿈이었다. | 마녀의 법정 5회 재생중인 동영상2 전체. |
| 신체사이즈는 168cm,몸무게 72kg,혈액형 a형입니다. | 전광렬 프로필 나이, 키, 고향, 학력, 드라마, 결혼, 부인, 허준 등 전광렬 나이 전광렬은 1960년 2월 11일 출생하여, 현재 나이는 63살입니다. |
| 32% | 68% |
전광렬 갱년기 고백 아이들과 거리감, 자존감 떨어지고 외로워 오팔 어제tv 20210226 055302 뉴스엔 서유나 기자 어느덧 62세 나이를 먹은 배우 전광렬이 갱년기를 고백했다.. 특히 전광렬 은 데뷔 40년 만에 처음으로 예능프로그램에 모습을 드러내 관심을 한 몸에 받았다..
두 편의 사극에 출연하며 이슈가 되고 있는 전광렬, 뉴스크라이브코리아는 다양한 주제의 이야기를 다루는 뉴스 플랫폼입니다. 특히 옆머리를 살짝 쓸어넘기면서 아으라는 신음소리, 또는 다짜고짜 야, 지난 17일 방송된 mbc 라디오스타 ‘짤메이커’ 특집에 출연한 전광렬은 어나더 레벨 명품 연기력으로 업그레이드된 짤을 대방출하며 시청자들을 사로잡았다, 이혼 스캔들과 거짓말 고통은 당해본 아내한테 미안 쇼비즈뉴스.
Org › wiki › 전광렬전광렬 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 매일경제 스타투데이 이슈팀 ‘대박’에서 전광렬이 죽음을 맞이한 것에 대한 의견이 분분하다. 배우 전광렬이 허준 제방료에 대한 충격을 드러냈다, 생애 추계예술대학교 음악학과에서 바순을 전공하였다, 대박 전광렬, 죽음향한 논란거열형 vs 능지처참. 지난 18일 방송된 mbc 월화드라마 ‘빛과 그림자’ 59회는 불법 어음과 사기 혐의로 구속된 장철환 전광렬 분이 1988년 올림픽 유치를 위해 사면되는 내용이 그려졌다.
배우 전광렬이 의외의 반전 매력으로 라디오스타 mc들과 시청자들의 마음을 사로잡았다. 전광렬田光烈, 1960년 2월 11일은 대한민국의 배우이다. 엠엘비파크 이후 1990년 해방전후사를 다룬 드라마인 ‘여명의 그날’에서 김일성을 맡아서 극 초반을 휘어잡는 카리스마를 보였고. 방서연 리포터 한 주간의 연예계 핫이슈 전해드리는 입니다. 전광렬, 후보 토론회에 30년 전 이야기 나오자 당황. 2020년 코로나19 범유행 당시 서울특별시가 집회를 금지했지만 광화문 일대에서 태극기 집회를 열었다.
대박 전광렬, 죽음향한 논란거열형 vs 능지처참. 전광렬 갱년기 고백 아이들과 거리감, 자존감 떨어지고 외로워 오팔 어제tv 20210226 055302 뉴스엔 서유나 기자 어느덧 62세 나이를 먹은 배우 전광렬이 갱년기를 고백했다. 매일경제 스타투데이 이슈팀 ‘대박’에서 전광렬이 죽음을 맞이한 것에 대한 의견이 분분하다.
놀고가365 지금까지 보여준 모습은 아직 30%에 그치지 않는다고. 1 6살 때부터 10년간 수영을 배웠고, 중학교 때까지는 경찰대학에 진학해 형사가 되는 것이 꿈이었다. 전광렬 키 전광렬의 키는 173cm입니다. 전광렬田光烈, 1960년 2월 11일은 대한민국의 배우이다. 17일 오후 10시30분께 방송하는 mbc 예능 라디오스타는 전광렬. 남자 17cm 디시
낭만숟가락 빨간약 12월 1일 방송되는 채널a 아빠본색에서는 요리를 배우기 위해 뉴욕행을 감행하는 배우 전광렬의 모습이 공개될 예정입니다. 14일 오후 tv조선 새 특별기획드라마 바람과 구름과 비 온라인 제작발표회가. 구씨가 오피스텔로 들어갈 당시의 상황은 다음과 같습니다. 전광렬 부인 전광렬의 부인은 박수진씨로 vrlu. 생애 추계예술대학교 음악학과에서 바순을 전공하였다. 내 근처의 이케아 쇼룸
노예 구원 순애 신체사이즈는 168cm,몸무게 72kg,혈액형 a형입니다. 전광렬 결혼 전광렬은 1995년 결혼하여, 슬하에는 아들이 1명 있습니다. 17일 오후 10시30분께 방송하는 mbc 예능 라디오스타는 전광렬. 엠엘비파크 이후 1990년 해방전후사를 다룬 드라마인 ‘여명의 그날’에서 김일성을 맡아서 극 초반을 휘어잡는 카리스마를 보였고. 배우 전광렬이 의외의 반전 매력으로 라디오스타 mc들과 시청자들의 마음을 사로잡았다. 낭 인스타라이브
네즈코 오니 바람과 구름과 비 전광렬 난 기존 흥선대원군과 달라. Com › view › 20071012n09731전광렬 젊은 연기자들 연기 논란, 시간이 지나면 해결될 것 네이. 전광렬 키 전광렬의 키는 173cm입니다. 대박 전광렬, 죽음향한 논란거열형 vs 능지처참 스타. 실제로 그날은 최씨가 문을 열어줘 들어갔다고 경찰관계자가 진술했습니다.
남자 젖꼭지 av Sbs 월화드라마 ‘왕과 나’극본 유동윤 연출 김재형 손재성에서 내시부수장 조치겸 역을 맡. 전광렬 갱년기 고백 아이들과 거리감, 자존감 떨어지고 외로워 오팔 어제tv 20210226 055302 뉴스엔 서유나 기자 어느덧 62세 나이를 먹은 배우 전광렬이 갱년기를 고백했다. 전광렬田光烈, 1960년 2월 11일은 대한민국의 배우이다. 특히 옆머리를 살짝 쓸어넘기면서 아으라는 신음소리, 또는 다짜고짜 야. 34 이후 사랑제일교회에서 확진자가 발생했으며, 35.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
허준 이후 처음으로 악질 그 자체인 캐릭터를 연기하게 된 셈인데, 전광렬 특유의 매서운 눈매와 중후한 목소리톤이 소름끼칠 정도로 잘 들어맞는다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.