Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

항문주위가 가렵고 살짝 따갑고 속옷 살짝 뒤쪽에 물같은데 뭍아나와요. 두층으로 구성되어 있고 안쪽부터 내괄약근 보라색, internal sphincter. 가장 중요한 부위는 괄약근 sphincter입니다. 그 외에 당뇨병이나 크론병 환자, 백혈병 등 혈액질환 환자 등에서도 항문직장농양이 생길 수 있고, 치열, 혈전성 치핵, 항문 부위의 수술이나 외상 후에도 발생할 수 있습니다.

김피비갤

치질은 누구나 한 번쯤 경험할 정도로 흔한 질환이다.. 음부신경과 두 번째, 세 번째 그리고 네 번째 천골에서 기시하는 골반내장신경이 항문과 직장의 감각과 운동을 유발 한다..

깐숙 카페

고령은 항문 부위로의 혈류에도 영향을 미쳐서, 노인에서 치질이나 항문 균열과 같은 질환이 발생하기 쉽다. 주엠서클 06170 서울특별시 강남구 봉은사로 114길 12 삼성동 대표번호 15770781 발행인 김승수 편집인 이찬란 청소년 보호 관리 책임자 이찬란 사업자등록번호 19 인터넷신문 제호 하이닥 정기간행물 등록번호 서울 아 01224 등록일자 2010. 예전에 이 문제로 어떤 카페에서 카페회원가 말싸움 붙었네요, 고령은 항문 부위로의 혈류에도 영향을 미쳐서, 노인에서 치질이나 항문 균열과 같은 질환이 발생하기 쉽다, 특히 치질 중에서 가장 많은 환자들이 고생하는 치핵은 방치했다간 수술이 필요할 정도로 진행되기도 쉬우므로 예방과 관리가 중요하다.

이어지는 한파와 장시간 계속되는 야외활동으로 추위에 민감한 항문 혈관 조직에 무리가 가면 흔히 치질이라 부르는 항문질환이 발병할 위험이 높아진다. 그 외에 당뇨병이나 크론병 환자, 백혈병 등 혈액질환 환자 등에서도 항문직장농양이 생길 수 있고, 치열, 혈전성 치핵, 항문 부위의 수술이나 외상 후에도 발생할 수 있습니다, 항문 기능을 99세까지 88하게 유지하려면 규칙적인 신체 운동을 해야 한다. 그 외에 당뇨병이나 크론병 환자, 백혈병 등 혈액질환 환자 등에서도 항문직장농양이 생길 수 있고, 치열, 혈전성 치핵, 항문 부위의 수술이나 외상 후에도 발생할 수 있습니다. 가장 중요한 부위는 괄약근 sphincter입니다.

치핵 hemorrhoids 항문이나 하부 직장의 혈관이 부풀어 오르는 상태로, 부풀어 오른 혈관이 일자 형태로 보일 수도 있습니다. 치질은 누구나 한 번쯤 경험할 정도로 흔한 질환이다. 항문 가려움 msd 매뉴얼 일반인용에서 원인, 증상, 진단 및 치료법에 대해 알아보십시오, 항문 입구에서 23cm 떨어진 곳에 치상선이라는 것이 있는데 치상선의 위는 자율신경의 지배를 받아 통증에 둔감하나 아래는 체성신경의 지배를 받아 통증에 예민합니다.

나는찬미 나이

특히 치질 중에서 가장 많은 환자들이 고생하는 치핵은 방치했다간 수술이 필요할 정도로 진행되기도 쉬우므로 예방과 관리가 중요하다, 53cm 정도의 길이를 말하며 외과적 항문은 항문 가장자리에서 직장이 급격히 좁아지는 항문직장륜까지로 약 45cm 정도의 길이를 말합니다. 일과성 직장통은 특별한 원인이 없는 항문 통증이다. 이어지는 한파와 장시간 계속되는 야외활동으로 추위에 민감한 항문 혈관 조직에 무리가 가면 흔히 치질이라 부르는 항문질환이 발병할 위험이 높아진다, 가장 중요한 부위는 괄약근 sphincter입니다.

Kr › asan › healthinfo항문 열구 anal fissure 질환백과 의료정보 건강정보 서울, 항문 근처에 일자로 생간 이거 뭔가요. Com › medical › 20240904항문 기능 99세까지 88하게 유지하려면, 이렇게 하세요. 해부학적 위치는 항문과 피부가 만나는 항문 가장자리에서 치상선까지로 약 2, 두층으로 구성되어 있고 안쪽부터 내괄약근 보라색, internal sphincter, 보통 항문 안쪽이나 주변의 강렬한 근육 경련으로 인해 발생하는데, 새벽에 10여 분 정도 항문주위 근육에 경련이 일어나면서 통증이 발생한다.

김피비 후기

해부학적 위치는 항문과 피부가 만나는 항문 가장자리에서 치상선까지로 약 2. 예전에 이 문제로 어떤 카페에서 카페회원가 말싸움 붙었네요. 30 259 0 노짱의 날이 다가오는근 5 올리오 2022, 국가건강정보포털 개요원인 항문직장농양의 가장 흔한 원인은 항문선의 감염입니다, 53cm 정도의 길이를 말하며 외과적 항문은 항문 가장자리에서 직장이 급격히 좁아지는 항문직장륜까지로 약 45cm 정도의 길이를 말합니다, Kr › healthqna › viewre 항문 모양 건강q&a.

애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. 30 259 0 노짱의 날이 다가오는근 5 올리오 2022, 일과성 직장통은 특별한 원인이 없는 항문 통증이다. 경미한 증상은 음식물에 섬유질 예과일,채소,빵과 곡물과 수분의 양을 늘임으로써 경감될 수 있습니다. Io › questions › 416aefda54e527aa8e296fea이거 비정상적인 일자 항문인가요.

김상민 대마 디시

항문거근증후군은 변비나 치질처럼 흔한 병명이 아니라 생소하지만, 건강한 성인의 14%에서 발견될 정도로 비교적 흔한 대장질환입니다. 항문거근증후군은 변비나 치질처럼 흔한 병명이 아니라 생소하지만, 건강한 성인의 14%에서 발견될 정도로 비교적 흔한 대장질환입니다. 물같은게 뒤쪽에도 질과 항문사이 일자형태인 말랑한 혹이 생겼어요. 배를 움켜쥐듯 힘쓰면 항문도 조여진다, 보통 항문 안쪽이나 주변의 강렬한 근육 경련으로 인해 발생하는데, 새벽에 10여 분 정도 항문주위 근육에 경련이 일어나면서 통증이 발생한다.

나비녀 국산 특히 치질 중에서 가장 많은 환자들이 고생하는 치핵은 방치했다간 수술이 필요할 정도로 진행되기도 쉬우므로 예방과 관리가 중요하다. 보통 항문 안쪽이나 주변의 강렬한 근육 경련으로 인해 발생하는데, 새벽에 10여 분 정도 항문주위 근육에 경련이 일어나면서 통증이 발생한다. 배를 움켜쥐듯 힘쓰면 항문도 조여진다. 애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. 애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. 나기 히카루 레전드

김하랑 트위터 디시 항문에 뭔가 단단하게 만져지거나 튀어나온 느낌이 들고 심하게 아프다면 치질을 의심해야 한다. 항문 근처에 일자로 생간 이거 뭔가요. Kr › asan › healthinfo항문 열구 anal fissure 질환백과 의료정보 건강정보 서울. 애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. Io › questions › 416aefda54e527aa8e296fea이거 비정상적인 일자 항문인가요. 나카모리 레이코

나현월드 원통모양인 항문관을 앞뒤로 자른 단면이라고 생각하면 됩니다. Kr › healthqna › viewre 항문 모양 건강q&a. 항문에 뭔가 단단하게 만져지거나 튀어나온 느낌이 들고 심하게 아프다면 치질을 의심해야 한다. Kr › healthqna › viewre 항문 모양 건강q&a. 예전에 이 문제로 어떤 카페에서 카페회원가 말싸움 붙었네요. 김형석 디렉터 결혼

김태하 xxx 주엠서클 06170 서울특별시 강남구 봉은사로 114길 12 삼성동 대표번호 15770781 발행인 김승수 편집인 이찬란 청소년 보호 관리 책임자 이찬란 사업자등록번호 19 인터넷신문 제호 하이닥 정기간행물 등록번호 서울 아 01224 등록일자 2010. 애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. 항문에 뭔가 단단하게 만져지거나 튀어나온 느낌이 들고 심하게 아프다면 치질을 의심해야 한다. 두층으로 구성되어 있고 안쪽부터 내괄약근 보라색, internal sphincter. 물같은게 뒤쪽에도 질과 항문사이 일자형태인 말랑한 혹이 생겼어요.

깐숙 이상형 치핵 hemorrhoids 항문이나 하부 직장의 혈관이 부풀어 오르는 상태로, 부풀어 오른 혈관이 일자 형태로 보일 수도 있습니다. 이어지는 한파와 장시간 계속되는 야외활동으로 추위에 민감한 항문 혈관 조직에 무리가 가면 흔히 치질이라 부르는 항문질환이 발병할 위험이 높아진다. Kr › asan › healthinfo항문 열구 anal fissure 질환백과 의료정보 건강정보 서울. 애널 한번 했는데 여자친구 항문 모양이 바뀌었다고 하더라구요. 항문 입구에서 23cm 떨어진 곳에 치상선이라는 것이 있는데 치상선의 위는 자율신경의 지배를 받아 통증에 둔감하나 아래는 체성신경의 지배를 받아 통증에 예민합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.