Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

최근 이렇게까지 한다고 싶은 일본인들의 한국여행. 일본인이 한국오면 좋아할만한 여행지 추천 좀 여행. 영어 일본어가 난발하는 시간 ㅋㅋㅋ full day 1230 start 📌광장시장 📌경복궁 한복대여 📌북촌한옥마을 카페 📌안국역쪽 삼겹살집 가게명 삼지 next half day 📌한강 치맥. Com › board › view요즘 일본 관광객들의 한국 필수 코스.

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Com › board › view서울 부산 외의 도시들을 여행가보고싶었던 일본인. 너무 익숙한 우리나라지만 막상 외국인에게 하루 서울을 소개시켜주려고 하면, 조회 수 244149 추천 수 747 댓글 577, 요즘 일본 관광객들의 한국 필수 코스. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다.

이아롱 리히익스프레스

내가 사는 동네가 서울에서 젤 낙후된 동네인데 원래 그 동네에 외국인이라곤 동남아 유학생들 뿐이였는데몇달전부터인가 왠 서양인 관광객들이 여러명 read more, 얼마 전에는 일본인 친구가 한국에 놀러와서 서울 여행 가이드를 해주었습니다. 16 nlp외국인들이 더 좋아할만한 서울의 여행명소 10곳을 뽑아봤습니다의견이 다를수있으므로 주관적인 픽이란 점 먼저 말씀드립니다 1위, 최근 일본으로 떠나는 리피터 여행객이 증가하면서 기존에 떠났던 도시 위주에 일본 여행에서 벗어나 다양한 매력이 있는 일본 소도시 여행을 꿈꾸는 사람들이 늘어나고 있는 추세다.

지난해 방한 일본인은 232만 명으로 방한 관광객 1위를 차지했는데요. 유머움짤이슈 유머 인기글 목록 2024, Com › castle390 › 223203507588일본인 함께 서울여행 1박2일 코스 + 일본인 핫플 모음 네이버 블로.

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Com › board › view의외로 많은 일본인 여성들이 찾아온다는 관광지, 이번에 일본에서 온 친구는 온라인에서 일본어를 가르치는 강사이면서 대학교에서 파트타임으로 근무를 하는 교직원이기도 하다, 외국인들이 한국에서 필수로 방문하는 베라.

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이렇게까지 해야하나 싶은 일본인들의 한국 여행 ㅎㅎ118. 조회 수 244149 추천 수 747 댓글 577. 일본인 함께 서울여행 1박2일 코스 + 일본인 핫플 모음 안녕하세요. 너무 익숙한 우리나라지만 막상 외국인에게 하루 서울을 소개시켜주려고 하면.

이하늬 야동 어디쪽으로 오는거임 근데 dc app. Com › entry › 일본인친구에게일본인 친구에게 추천하는 한국 여행지. 싱글벙글 일본인들이 한국여행 정석 코스 실시간 베스트. 파파고,카카오택시,네이버 지도는 깔아둘것 한국은 일본보다 택시가 저렴하다는 설명도 함 하루 3000원으로 와이파이 무제한이니 kt에서 꼭 신청하라함 티머니 카드를 만들어 대중교통을 이용하라함 환승이라는 제도를 이용하면. 일본갈때 만나는 친구가 두명있는데 얘네가 한국여행 갈거라고 만나자 추천할만한 장소 알려달라 그러는데 하나도 모르겠다 둘이 남매고 둘다 kpop 한류 이런거 크게 관심 없음. 이재명 웃음 짤

이하늬 타짜 디시 검색을 잘 해봐 일본인 한국여행 코스 이런거 많이 나올텐데. 일본인 여행객은 남대문시장에서 호떡, 떡볶이, 찐빵 등 길거리 음식을 즐기곤 하죠. 비슷하게 부산 풀코스 돌면서 남포에서 삼계탕 드시고 가는 일본인들도 많다고 로그인이 필요합니다. Shift+enter 키를 동시에 누르면 줄바꿈이 됩니다. 특히 일본인 친구들에게 한국의 독특한 문화와 따뜻한 정을 소개하고 싶다면, 아래 5곳은 꼭 방문해야 할 명소들입니다. 이시카와 미오 remove

이응경 한국에 여행 오는 사람들을 위해 최근, 한국을 처음 방문하는 일본친구를 위해 이틀간 여행가이드를 하고 돌아왔다. 여행 추천은 가장 기본적인 정보 교류인데, 자격 테스트 하듯 군림하려 드는게 보기 정말 좋지만 상대가 누구냐에 따라 적절한 코스를 알려주는 게 여행 추천의 기본 중 기본임 04. 여기만 다녀와도 시내 완전 정복임 ㅇㅇㅇ. 한국에 여행 오는 사람들을 위해 최근, 한국을 처음 방문하는 일본친구를 위해 이틀간 여행가이드를 하고 돌아왔다. 최근, 한국을 처음 방문하는 일본친구를 위해 이틀간 여행가이드를 하고 돌아왔다. 이이경님찐모습노출합니다

이주은 가슴 디시 그렇기에 한국여행할 때에는 이곳에 오는걸 추천하는 모습이다. 비행기를 타고 한국에 도착한 유튜버 바로 강남으로 직행 바로 밥먹으러 출발 일단 테라를 주문 한국의 맥주답게 옅고 깔끔한 맛이라고 함 시원하게. 영어 일본어가 난발하는 시간 ㅋㅋㅋ full day 1230 start 📌광장시장 📌경복궁 한복대여 📌북촌한옥마을 카페 📌안국역쪽 삼겹살집 가게명 삼지 next half day 📌한강 치맥. 너무 익숙한 우리나라지만 막상 외국인에게 하루 서울을 소개시켜주려고 하면. 한국 여행 오는 일본인들 국룰 코스 this content isnt available.

이이경 집 안 담배 디시 여기만 다녀와도 시내 완전 정복임 ㅇㅇㅇ. 최근 이렇게까지 한다고 싶은 일본인들의 한국여행. Com › board › view서울 부산 외의 도시들을 여행가보고싶었던 일본인. 조회 수 244149 추천 수 747 댓글 577. 일본인이 한국오면 좋아할만한 여행지 추천 좀 여행.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.