일본 공공기관 내진설계율 100% 진도 7 지진에도 국민생명 지키는 일본 내진.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

일본의 집주택들은 대부분 지진을 견디기 위한 내진설계 혹은 면진설계가. 지진대국 일본의 내진설계기준은 세계 톱 크라스를 갖추고있다 주택의 내진성도 향상되어 2011년3월11일 에 발생한 동일본대지진의 경우 건물의 붕괴로 인한 사상자는 거의 발생하지 않았다 큰지진이 발생할때마다 건축법이 개정되어 내진기준도 강화되었다. 내진설계를 넘어 면진설계 라고 하는듯요 이런게 면진장치 인가봐요 님의 게시글 댓글 signature 제가 올리는 gif 움짤은 제가 변환했습니다 다른 커뮤니티에서 퍼오는 펌봇이 아닙니다 흥미로운 영상 공유하고 피드백 신경쓰겠습니다. 일본의 집주택들은 대부분 지진을 견디기 위한 내진설계 혹은 면진설계가.

이 건축물의 설계는 프리츠커상을 수상한 일본 건축가 이토 토요의 작품.

일본식 주택, 최고의 일본 건축자재 전문기업 주식회사 세원입니다.

일본 지진 대비 혁신적인 내진 설계와 안전 가이드 지진에 대비하는 것은 생명과 재산을 보호하는 첫걸음입니다.

Com › silver5467 › 223933181099일본은 안전한가.. 일본의 내진 설계 기술과 안전 가이드가 그 해결책을 제공합니다..

그래서 우리나라 전체 건축물 680만여 동 중에서 내진설계가 된 건물은 불과 16만 동에 불과한 현실입니다, 지반과 건물사이에 존나 큰 서스펜션이랑 댐퍼를 박은담에 그 위에 건물을 올리는지라땅이 흔들려도 건물은 제자리에 있음. 1968년 tokachioki 대지진을 계기로 building standard law는 부분적으로 바뀌게 되고. 일본의 내진 설계 기술과 안전 가이드가 그 해결책을 제공합니다.

2011년 후쿠시마 지진은 일본 역사상 듣도보도 못한 수준의 초대형 지진이었음지진은 그렇다쳐도 대부분 피해가 역대 최대 규모의 쓰나미 때문인데아무리 내진설계 잘된 일본도 쓰나미는 못 막음근데 수도직하지진은 쓰나미 발생.

내진 설계 기준이 강화되기 전인 1981년 이전에 지어진 건축물과 인프라가 대거 파괴되면서 피해를 키웠다. 내진설계를 넘어 면진설계 라고 하는듯요 이런게 면진장치 인가봐요 님의 게시글 댓글 signature 제가 올리는 gif 움짤은 제가 변환했습니다 다른 커뮤니티에서 퍼오는 펌봇이 아닙니다 흥미로운 영상 공유하고 피드백 신경쓰겠습니다, 근데 아무도 안죽고 안다쳤는데 일본 내진설계 되어있어도 뉴스보면 6에도 죽고 다치던데뭔일인지 모르겠음. 하지만 기존 지진과 비교해 상대적으로 인명피해가 적었는데 이것이 내진설계 덕분이라는 분석이 나오면서 우리도 내진설계에 대한 정책을 되돌아 봐야 한다는 지적이 나오고.

서울에서 진도5 정도 지진나면 피해가 클 것 같은데 어떤가요.. 이에 따라 일본은 지진 피해를 최소화하기 위한 최첨단 건축 기술을 개발해왔습니다.. 내진설계를 넘어 면진설계 라고 하는듯요 이런게 면진장치 인가봐요 님의 게시글 댓글 signature 제가 올리는 gif 움짤은 제가 변환했습니다 다른 커뮤니티에서 퍼오는 펌봇이 아닙니다 흥미로운 영상 공유하고 피드백 신경쓰겠습니다.. 내진기준과 제2차 세계대전 내진기준과 제2차세계대전 일본이 본격적으로 내진에 대한 기준을 연구하기..

일본이나 한국이나 건축설계업계 상황은 비슷비슷함. 내진 설계는 원천적으로 재검토되어야 하는 문제가 제기된다, 내진기준과 제2차 세계대전 내진기준과 제2차세계대전 일본이 본격적으로 내진에 대한 기준을 연구하기. 일본 공공기관 내진설계율 100% 진도 7 지진에도 국민생명 지키는 일본 내진. 국내에서도 지진이 빈번하게 발생하며, 내진설계의 중요성은 꾸준히 높아지고 있습니다.

근데 아무도 안죽고 안다쳤는데 일본 내진설계 되어있어도 뉴스보면 6에도 죽고 다치던데뭔일인지 모르겠음.

6의 강진이 발생하면서 이번 글은 일본의 내진설계에 대한 이야기를 나눠보려고 해요, 안녕하세요 당신이 원하는 모든 정보를 알려드리는 당원모입니다, 지진대책으로 일본의 건물에 적용되고 있는 내진설계에 대해 알아보도록 하겠습니다, 전 세계적으로 일본은 지진이 가장 빈번하게 발생하는 국가 중 하나입니다, 1968년 tokachioki 대지진을 계기로 building standard law는 부분적으로 바뀌게 되고.

헬스 여자 디시 내진 설계 기준이 강화되기 전인 1981년 이전에 지어진 건축물과 인프라가 대거 파괴되면서 피해를 키웠다. 1968년 tokachioki 대지진을 계기로 building standard law는 부분적으로 바뀌게 되고. 확실히 저층 상가 건물들은 와르르 ㅋㅋㅋ 심지어 내진설계가 이루어진. 롤렉스 이런거 싸데기 때리는 마감이고 오차도 좋아서 문제 일으킨 적이 없음. 안녕하세요 당신이 원하는 모든 정보를 알려드리는 당원모입니다. 해린 색기 디시

혈귀야교 심지어 최근 일본과 한국 sns를 중심으로 2025년 7월에 일본에서 대지진이 발생할. 이후 1972년부터 1977년까지 5년 동안 새롭고 합리적인 내진설계 방법에 대해 수립하게 되며, 1977년에는 건물의 비 내진설계 방법에 대해서도 정의하게 된다. 그래서 우리나라 전체 건축물 680만여 동 중에서 내진설계가 된 건물은 불과 16만 동에 불과한 현실입니다. 실제로, 최근 일본에서 발생했던 대규모 지진에서도 많은 건축물들이 무너지지 않고 유지되었습니다. 지진을 면한다 라는 뜻인데고층건물에 주로 쓰는 공법이고. 호법성 스킬 디시

해 르시 팬 트리 안녕하세요 당신이 원하는 모든 정보를 알려드리는 당원모입니다. 내진설계를 넘어 면진설계 라고 하는듯요 이런게 면진장치 인가봐요 님의 게시글 댓글 signature 제가 올리는 gif 움짤은 제가 변환했습니다 다른 커뮤니티에서 퍼오는 펌봇이 아닙니다 흥미로운 영상 공유하고 피드백 신경쓰겠습니다. 지진에 대응하기 위해 3가지의 지진대응책이 있습니다. 일본식주택 목조주택 중목구조 단독주택 전원주택 프리컷 clt 내진설계 근생 친환경 일본건축자재 일본창호 일본도어 일본내장재 일본외장재 인테리어 리모델링 직수입 기초부터 마감까지 책임시공 지진 건축설계 건축디자인 인테리어디자인. 2011년 후쿠시마 지진은 일본 역사상 듣도보도 못한 수준의 초대형 지진이었음지진은 그렇다쳐도 대부분 피해가 역대 최대 규모의 쓰나미 때문인데아무리 내진설계 잘된 일본도 쓰나미는 못 막음근데 수도직하지진은 쓰나미 발생. 홀로라이브 미코 빨간약

한예나 야짤 이후 1972년부터 1977년까지 5년 동안 새롭고 합리적인 내진설계 방법에 대해 수립하게 되며, 1977년에는 건물의 비 내진설계 방법에 대해서도 정의하게 된다. 일본이나 한국이나 건축설계업계 상황은 비슷비슷함. Com › entry › 일본지진대비일본 지진 대비 혁신적인 내진 설계와 안전 가이드 tiger. Com › best › 6567755762일본 내진설계 건물 근황. 일본의 건축 기술에서 면진, 제진, 내진 설계는 각각 다른 원리와 목적을 가지고 있습니다.

향 아치 논란 서울에서 진도5 정도 지진나면 피해가 클 것 같은데 어떤가요. 일본의 내진 설계 기술과 안전 가이드가 그 해결책을 제공합니다. 특히 목조 주택들이 순식간에 무너졌고 이로. 우니나라도 포항의 지진으로 큰 피해를 입긴 했지만, 그전까지는 지진이 없는 나라라고 생각을 하고 있을정도로 지진에 대해서는 크게 생각을 하고 있지 않았을겁니다. 2024년 갑진년 새해 첫날에 일본에 7.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.