이강인 선수의 여자친구로 알려진 박상효 씨는 두산그룹 창업주 손녀, 박용성 전 회장의 손녀이자 두산밥캣코리아 부회장 박진원 님의 딸이에요.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

상대방으로 지목된 인물은 두산 그룹의 5세. 셀럽소식 이강인 여자친구 박상효 누구. 박승직 두산그룹 창업주에게는 현손녀, 박두병 두산그룹 초대 회장에게는 증손녀가 된다. Kr › news › entertainment이강인 여친 인증.

여자친구 박상효씨는 2001년생인 이강인의 두 살 연상으로 두산가의 5세로 알려져있습니다.. 1999년생인 박상효 씨는 2001년생인 이강인보다 두 살 연상이다..

파리 생제르맹에서 활약 중인 축구선수 이강인의 여자친구 박상효에게 관심이 쏠리고 있다.

이강인의 여자친구 박상효는 이강인보다 두 살 연상으로, 두산그룹 7대 회장을 지낸 박용성 명예회장의 손녀이자, 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 딸이다.

박상효 두산 재벌 5세, 이강인의 그녀는 누구.. Psg 이강인, 재벌 5세 여친과 명품쇼핑→포르쉐 데이트 포착.. Days ago 프랑스 리그1 파리 생제르맹이하 psg에서 활약 중인 축구선수 이강인25의 연인으로 알려진 두산가 5세 박상효 씨27가 psg 관련 여성들과 함께 찍은 사진이 공개됐다.. 23세 이강인과 두산가 손녀 박상효가 연애 중임을 보여주는..

여자친구 박상효씨는 2001년생인 이강인의 두 살 연상으로 두산가의 5세로 알려져있다.

축구 선수 이강인23파리 생제르맹과 두산그룹 5세 박상효25의 열애설이 불거져 많은 이들의 관심을 모으고 있다, 1999년생인 박상효 씨는 2001년생인 이강인보다 두 살 연상이다, 서울에서 학창 시절을 보낸 뒤 프랑스로 유학을 떠났고, 현재는 파리에서 대학원 과정을 밟고 있는 것으로 전해집니다, 박승직 두산그룹 창업주에게는 현손녀, 박두병 두산그룹 초대 회장에게는 증손녀가 된다. 손녀 이강인열애설 이강인여자친구두산 heiress뜻 heiress. 파리 생제르맹psg 공격수 이강인25의 여자친구로 알려진 두산가 5세 박상효27씨가 psg 모임에 참석한 모습이 포착됐다.

여자친구 박상효씨는 2001년생인 이강인의 두 살 연상으로 두산가의 5세로 알려져있습니다, 두산 재벌가 박상효 인스타 이강인 열애설 얼굴 사진 나이. 2024년 9월 9일 디스패치 등 복수 매체는 이강인이 2살 연상의 두산家 5세 박상효와 열애 중이라고 보도했다, 두 사람 인연은 파리라는 낭만적인 도시에서 시작됐어요.

스포츠한국 이재호 기자 파리 생제르맹의 이강인이 공식석상을 통해 2살 연상의 두산가 5세인 여자친구 박상효 씨를 처음 공개했다.

Kr › news › entertainment이강인 여친 인증, 그럼 이강인 여자친구 박상효 두산 5세 손녀는 누구일까요. 데블스플랜2 우승자 악플 쏟아진 이유. 1999년생인 박상효 씨는 2001년생인 이강인보다 두 살 연상이다, Com › witherapy_ › 224162282316이강인 여친 박상효, psg 연인 모임 포착. 박용성 전 두산그룹 회장의 손녀이자 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 장녀입니다.

1999년생으로 올해 나이 25세인 박상효는. 데블스플랜2 우승자 악플 쏟아진 이유, 여자친구 박상효씨는 2001년생인 이강인의 두 살 연상으로 두산가의 5세로 알려져있다, 스포츠한국 이재호 기자 파리 생제르맹의 이강인이 공식석상을 통해 2살 연상의 두산가 5세인 여자친구 박상효 씨를 처음 공개했다, 이강인 선수의 여자친구로 알려진 박상효 씨는 두산그룹 창업주 손녀, 박용성 전 회장의 손녀이자 두산밥캣코리아 부회장 박진원 님의 딸이에요. +두산그룹, 99년생, 크루와상, 인스타그램, 이나은 축구선수 이강인의 열애 상대인 박상효가 대중의 궁금증을 자아내고 있다.

이강인 여자친구 두산그룹 손녀 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로그 연예인백과사전 330개의 글 목록열기, 최근 축구 스타 이강인과 두산그룹의 손녀로 알려진 박상효 씨의 열애설이 많은 이들의 관심을 받고 있습니다. 이강인 여자친구 두산그룹 손녀 프로필 인스타 네이버 블로그 연예인백과사전 330개의 글 목록열기, 박상효 씨는 1999년생으로 2001년생인 이강인보다 2살 연상이다. 최근 열린 파리 생제르맹 psg의 프랑스컵 우승 행사와 롤랑가로스 테니스 대회 현장에서 이강인 선수와 박상효 씨가 나란히 있는 모습이 포착되면서 얼굴도 자연스럽게 공개됐어요.

Com › view › 20250527n05049이강인 여친 박상효 누구, 파리 생제르맹psg 공격수 이강인25의 여자친구로 알려진 두산가 5세 박상효27씨가 psg 모임에 참석한 모습이 포착됐다, 박상효 두산 재벌 5세, 이강인의 그녀는 누구. 알려진 정보에 따르면 그는 이강인보다는 2살 연상이다. 1999년생으로 이강인보다 두 살 연상인 박상효는 두산그룹 7대 회장을 지낸 박용성 명예회장의 손녀이자, 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 딸로 알려진 재벌 5세다.

이강인의 여자친구 1999년생인 박상효 씨는 이강인보다 2살 연상으로, 박용성 두산그룹 7대 회장의 손녀이자 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 장녀다.

23세 이강인과 두산가 손녀 박상효가 연애 중임을 보여주는. 이강인의 여자친구 박상효는 이강인보다 두 살 연상으로, 두산그룹 7대 회장을 지낸 박용성 명예회장의 손녀이자, 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 딸이다, 인스타 궁금하신 분들은 들어가셔서 구경해보자. Ⓒgettyimageskorea ⓒgettyimageskorea ⓒgettyimageskorea 스포츠한국 이재호 기자 jay12@sportshankook. 230 url 복사 이웃추가 이강인 여자친구 박상효 누구.

다카마쓰 헌팅 디시 하지만 이강인은 경기에 나오지 못했다. 1999년생인 박상효 씨는 2001년생인 이강인보다 두 살 연상이다. 이강인 홀린 미모, 실화냐 두산가 5세 박상효 씨, psg 애인. 스포츠 정보축구 박상효 두산 손녀 프로필 인스타 이강인 열애설 총정리 by 너무 가능하다 2024. 축구 선수 이강인23파리 생제르맹과 두산그룹 5세 박상효25의 열애설이 불거져 많은 이들의 관심을 모으고 있습니다. 대나무 행주 중국인 디시

누루마유 막힘 그녀는 박용성 전 두산그룹 7대 회장의 손녀이자 박진원 현 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의. 박용성 전 두산그룹 회장의 손녀이자 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 장녀다. 요즘 이강인paris saintgermainpsg 선수가 공개적 연애설로 또 화제가 되고 있어요. 이강인 홀린 미모, 실화냐 두산가 5세 박상효 씨, psg 애인. Psg 이강인, 재벌 5세 여친과 명품쇼핑→포르쉐 데이트 포착. 대구 ㄱㅁ 화장실

더 파이팅 디시 현재 파리에서 대학원 생활을 하고 있다는데요. 박상효는 두산그룹 7대 회장인 박용성의 손녀이자 박진. Psg 소속 선수인 일리야 자바르니의 아내이자 우크라이나 출신 인플루언서 겸 모델. +두산 손녀, 인스타, 얼굴, 나이 2025 썸머 가요대전 일정, 장소 라인업, 티켓 응보 방법, 당첨 꿀팁. 23세 이강인과 두산가 손녀 박상효가 연애 중임을 보여주는. 대구 마 운자 로 디시

다크멜돔 대한민국 축구 국가대표 이강인24파리 생제르맹 fc의 애정전선은 ‘이상 무’다. 스포츠한국 이재호 기자 파리 생제르맹의 이강인이 공식석상을 통해 2살 연상의 두산가 5세인 여자친구 박상효 씨를 처음 공개했다. 두산그룹 회장을 지낸 박용성 전 회장의 손녀이자, 박진원 두산밥캣 코리아 부회장의. 그녀는 두산밥캣코리아 박진원 부회장의 딸로 알려져 있으며, 1999년생으로 이강인 선수보다 두 살 연상이다. 이강인의 그녀두산가 5세 박상효, psg 애인 모임.

다키 야짤 두산그룹 7대 회장 박용성 명예회장의 손녀이자, 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 딸로 1999년생이며 이강인 선수보다 두 살 연상입니다. 데블스플랜2 우승자 악플 쏟아진 이유. 박상효 씨는 1999년생으로 2001년생인 이강인보다 2살 연상이다. 개요 편집 박용성 전 두산그룹 회장의 손녀이자 박진원 두산밥캣코리아 부회장의 장녀다. 모두에게 공개되는 경기장 우승 세리머니에서 여자친구를 내려왔다는 것은 공개석상에서 여자친구를 알렸다는 의미로 볼 수 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.