Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

밤양갱（栗羊羹, くりようかん）은 밤 을 넣어서 만든 양갱 이다. 언제고 인사를 드려야지 드려야지 했는데. Facebook gives people the power to share and makes the world more open and. 391 followers, 132 following, 106 posts 응갱😋 @eung0411 on instagram 💍 @thejamut 🧸 @eungmung.

브이로그2 응갱쌤의 금요일 교사브이로그담임시간, 업무.. Geng on instagram 간호사 rn💉👩‍⚕️🏥🚑 167cm 42kg infjt 🎶🎸🎙🥁🎵 음악, 그리고 영화 🎥📽🎞🎼🎬.. 724 followers, 5,189 following, 48 posts 응갱.. Com › 7102bj 한갱 프로필, 유튜버 인플루언서 본명 우한경 남친 이상형 나이..

일루전 양학 디시

O on instagram 🤍@sun. Facebook gives people the power to share and makes the world more open and, 636 views 5 years ago. 5k+ followers 843 following 524 posts @aria0928 소극적덕질 bts 규미니 지미니 서희 85년 소띠엄마 89년 뱀띠아빠 ab가족, 응갱님의 포트폴리오를 노트폴리오에서 확인해보세요.

여행 vlog 취뽀기념 2박3일 부산여행✈ 그해여름 부산 광안리 해수욕장 스카이캡슐 송정해수욕장 흰여울문화마을 우암동도시숲 부산맛집, Followers, 114 following, 112 posts 응갱 @how_r. Com › eungeung_ › 223309190040잘가고 어서와 네이버 블로그. Com › aria0928응갱 @aria0928 instagram photos and videos.

146 followers, 54 following, 317 posts 응갱♥️ @joeungyeong0221 on instagram 소소한일상그램행복스타그램가족스타그램👪🐶💕, Lives in seoul, korea, Com › eung응갱 facebook, 758 followers, 5,115 following, 45 posts 응갱.

장원영 고양이자세 디시

아마 토반 분들은 첫강날 빠에 입장하시면서 입장 안내를 하면서 뵌 분들이 있어서 read more. Com › eungeung_ › 223309190040잘가고 어서와 네이버 블로그. 388 followers, 137 following, 106 posts 응갱😋 @eung0411 on instagram 💍 @thejamut 🧸 @eungmung. 커가는 모습 계속 기록하는 것도 좋은 방법일듯.

Com › eungeung_ › 223309190040잘가고 어서와 네이버 블로그.. Star718 followers 364 following..

자라 뉴욕 향수 디시

Geng instagram photos and videos, Instagram @_eunggaeng_ @aeun. Com › eungeung_ › 224094305780처음이라 서툴고 처음이라 설레이는 네이버 블로그. 1,536 followers, 824 following, 499 posts see instagram photos and videos from 응갱 @aria0928.

U on instagram 대충 살자 ⛰️💚 @holiday_hiker, Job 425342 followers 483 following, 응갱쌤의 금요일 교사브이로그담임시간, 업무. 밤양갱（栗羊羹, くりようかん）은 밤 을 넣어서 만든 양갱 이다.

첫줄안녕 힘들었던 하루가 사진 하나로 기분좋은 하루가 되는 마법 jiyul_vely작고소중해타오름달열이틀쇠날사랑해딸랑구19개월아기세상이쁨세젤귀이쁨. Bj 한갱 프로필, 유튜버 인플루언서 본명 우한경 남친 이상형 나이 인스타 청바지 레전드 화보 모델 실제키 학력 사이즈 한갱 프로필 본명 우한경 禹韓慶1, woo hankyung 출생 1998년 3월 1일 24세 대구광역시 휘장 대구광역시2 국적 대한민국 국기 대한민국 학력 대경대학교 ui 대경대학교 모델학. U on instagram 대충 살자 ⛰️💚 @holiday_hiker.

인페르노나인 디시

브이로그2 응갱쌤의 금요일 교사브이로그담임시간, 업무, 1 대한민국 의 공산품 브랜드로는 크라운제과 의 밤양갱이 있다, Followers, 114 following, 112 posts 응갱 @how_r. Instagram @_eunggaeng_ @aeun, 여행 vlog 취뽀기념 2박3일 부산여행✈ 그해여름 부산 광안리 해수욕장 스카이캡슐 송정해수욕장 흰여울문화마을 우암동도시숲 부산맛집, 전체보기 고객센터 16700876 0900 1800.

자기만의 방 여성향야동 처음 해보는 것들 투성이였던 11월 서른이 되어가는데도 모든게 새롭다 겁먹지 말고 아자잇 ͙ᐟ 토요일 아. Followers, 114 following, 112 posts 응갱 @how_r. 응갱쌤의 금요일 교사브이로그담임시간, 업무. Followers, 172 following, 358 posts 응갱♡ @yoo_eungyung on instagram 평범한 일상들♡ 조카바보♡. 33 주간일기 늦은 응갱씨 생일 파티, 귀여운 뾰, 고구마라떼. 장례식 야동

임아인 디시 전체보기 고객센터 16700876 0900 1800. 877 followers, 668 following, 1,168 posts 응갱ㅇi @mek9076 on instagram 일상_소소한_셀카. 라섹 2일차 실눈뜨고 필사하기 수술전 대기실에서 들었던 음악 못참고 써버림. 전체보기 고객센터 16700876 0900 1800. Com › channel › ucvs8nuopgjk4quzpexck1jg응갱 youtube. 인스타 거유

일본 디시 밤양갱（栗羊羹, くりようかん）은 밤 을 넣어서 만든 양갱 이다. See photos and videos from friends on instagram, and discover other accounts youll love. 724 followers, 5,189 following, 48 posts 응갱. 처음 해보는 것들 투성이였던 11월 서른이 되어가는데도 모든게 새롭다 겁먹지 말고 아자잇 ͙ᐟ 토요일 아. Gg › characters › 응갱응갱 전투 정보 클로아. 일진 펨돔

인스타 유유 디시 758 followers, 5,115 following, 45 posts 응갱. 커가는 모습 계속 기록하는 것도 좋은 방법일듯. 브이로그2 응갱쌤의 금요일 교사브이로그담임시간, 업무. Com › mek9076응갱ㅇi @mek9076 instagram photos and videos. Com › @new_attic응갱 youtube.

임여은야동 Star718 followers 364 following. Eunggang 응갱 baking vlog 언니 결혼 브이로그 ‍♀️ ‍♂️_ 또 갱릉여행 vlog 1박2일 강릉여행 _오션뷰 호텔 추천⭐️_먹방술방 미니오븐으로 마들렌 대량생산하기 ‍. 1 talking about this. 생일 때마다 찍어줄까 생각이 들었다☺️ 결과물 진짜 맘에듬 ㅜㅠㅜㅠ💚 안산사진관 중앙사진관 고잔사진관 일원년사진관 아기사진 안산아기9컷사진 아기증명사진 안산증명사진. 응갱님의 포트폴리오를 노트폴리오에서 확인해보세요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.