US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
Shader를 사용해 모자이크 처리를 해보았다면 mask된 글자를 사용하여 모자이크 처리를 해보자 예를 들으면 $%@%@. 많은분들이 물어보시는 내용 중 하나가 텍스쳐입니다. 이메이도 서바이벌이 유니티게임인데 마테리얼타입이 없슴ㅠㅠ 뜨는게 저게 끝uabe 2. 새로 변수를 만들어서 코드에 추가해줍니다.
이 텍스쳐가 화면에 굉장히 작은 영역으로 그려져서. 위 이미지같은 경우에는 원래는 바탕화면 크기의 원본이미지를, x마크 모양으로 출력하게 한 결과입니다. 그래픽 품질 및 라이팅 파트를 맡고 있는 unity 테크니컬 아티스트 kristijonas jalnionis가 라이트매핑의 가장 일반적인 문제 다섯 가지와 그 해결 방안을 소개합니다, 유니티 게임은 폰으로 구동 불가임 즉 포팅을 하지 않은이상 할수 없음 그리고 저 링크 달린거 펼처보기 누르면 나오는게 유니티 폰 이라고 검색한거임, 그래서 방법을 열심히 찾아보시다가 여기에 오셨을 거라 생각합니다.Textmeshpro 설명 textmeshpro는 unity를 위한 최고의 텍스트 솔루션으로, unity의 ui 텍스트와 레거시 텍스트 메시를 완벽하게 대체합니다, 얼마나 허접하면 나 같이 프로그래밍의 ㅍ도 코딩의 ㅋ도 모르는 개허접도모자이크 제거나 한글패치 같은거 쉽게 할 수, 20 323 1 sequel thirst이거 변변치않은 선물. Unity에서 게임 오브젝트는 기존 오브젝트의 새로운 복사본을 만드는 instantiate 함수를 사용하여 만들 수 있습니다. 그래픽 품질 및 라이팅 파트를 맡고 있는 unity 테크니컬 아티스트 kristijonas jalnionis가 라이트매핑의 가장 일반적인 문제 다섯 가지와 그 해결 방안을 소개합니다. Golal 35 번역 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 미스터장 0 106 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 번역 미스터장 0 106 동인 미번 블아,보추.
빌트인 렌더 파이프라인을 위한 이러한 예제 셰이더는 커스텀 셰이더 작성 기초를 나타내고, 일반적인 사용 사례를 다룹니다, 타겟이미지를 원하는 모양대로 일부를 잘라서 출력하는 방식 마스크를 이용하면 이미지를 모양마다 매번. 밉맵 텍스쳐에서 밉맵이란 텍스쳐에게 있어서 lod같은 개념입니다. Texture 용량 줄이기 texture용량, Texture 용량 줄이기 texture용량, 20 323 1 sequel thirst이거 변변치않은 선물.
유니티에서 간단하게 ui 이미지를 위와같이 마스크하는 방법을 소개합니다, 미리보기 material variant,texture 용량 줄이기, texture preset editor only tag, 카메라 꿀팁 material variant 메테리얼에도 variant를 만들 수 있다는 사실 알고 계셨나요, 또 몬스터의 hp가 0보다 작아지면 몬스터 또한 제거해 줘야 한다. Textmeshpro 설명 textmeshpro는 unity를 위한 최고의 텍스트 솔루션으로, unity의 ui 텍스트와 레거시 텍스트 메시를 완벽하게 대체합니다. 즉, 렌더링이 진행되는 과정을 잠시 멈추고, 그 시점까지의 프레임 버퍼를 임시 텍스쳐로 복사해야합니다. 하지만 리얼하게 표현하지 않고, 그림자가 거슬려 그림자의 영향을 받지 않게 설정을 해야하는 상황이 발생하기도 하는데, 그럴 때는 어떻게 해야.
타겟이미지를 원하는 모양대로 일부를 잘라서 출력하는 방식 마스크를 이용하면 이미지를 모양마다 매번.. 하지만 리얼하게 표현하지 않고, 그림자가 거슬려 그림자의 영향을 받지 않게 설정을 해야하는 상황이 발생하기도 하는데, 그럴 때는 어떻게 해야.. Shader를 사용해 모자이크 처리를 해보았다면 mask된 글자를 사용하여 모자이크 처리를 해보자 예를 들으면 $%@%@.. Gameobject 동적으로 삭제 하기 유니티에서 게임실행중에 gameobject 를 제거해야 할때가 있다..
유니티 게임 모자이크 제거 오늘 소개시켜드릴 회사는 아직 취준생들에게는 잘 알려지지 않은 현대자동차그룹의 알짜회사 유니투스입니다, 아무리 찾아봐도 마테리얼 타입이 없는데 이거말고 모자이크 제거하는 다른 방법이 있나요. 유니티 정책 상 우리는 로고를 제거하지 못하도록 되어 있습니다. 그래서 방법을 열심히 찾아보시다가 여기에 오셨을 거라 생각합니다. 만일 256x256짜리 텍스쳐가 화면에 그려진다고 생각을 해보죠. Com › entry › 3unitytext3 unity text 모자이크 처리 2d 게임.
Com › 4unity mask, 유니티 마스크, 원하는 모양으로 이미지 보여지게 하기. 챗지피티에게 유니티 모자이크 제거법 좀 배워야겟다 루파조아 09, 이렇게하면 이미지를 먼저 이동하고 모자이크 시키기 때문에 해당 문제가 일어나지 않습니다. X의 경우는 기존 노모 플러긴을 사용해 주세요. 유니티 정책 상 우리는 로고를 제거하지 못하도록 되어 있습니다.
시즈나이 유흥 Destroy object obj, t float time 0. 하지만 리얼하게 표현하지 않고, 그림자가 거슬려 그림자의 영향을 받지 않게 설정을 해야하는 상황이 발생하기도 하는데, 그럴 때는 어떻게 해야. Grab pass와 렌더 파이프라인 모자이크 등의 효과를 구현하기 위해서는 모자이크 영역에 해당하는 메시가 렌더링되기 직전의 화면 텍스쳐를 가져와야 합니다. 그래서 방법을 열심히 찾아보시다가 여기에 오셨을 거라 생각합니다. Grab pass와 렌더 파이프라인 모자이크 등의 효과를 구현하기 위해서는 모자이크 영역에 해당하는 메시가 렌더링되기 직전의 화면 텍스쳐를 가져와야 합니다. 시무룩 트위터
시이나 아야 하지만 리얼하게 표현하지 않고, 그림자가 거슬려 그림자의 영향을 받지 않게 설정을 해야하는 상황이 발생하기도 하는데, 그럴 때는 어떻게 해야. Golal 35 번역 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 미스터장 0 106 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 번역 미스터장 0 106 동인 미번 블아,보추. Texture 용량 줄이기 texture용량. Golal 35 번역 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 미스터장 0 106 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 번역 미스터장 0 106 동인 미번 블아,보추. 0f 함수를 이용하면 쉽게 제거할 수 있다. 아바나 필 디시
시청하세요 unhinged 온라인 빌트인 렌더 파이프라인을 위한 이러한 예제 셰이더는 커스텀 셰이더 작성 기초를 나타내고, 일반적인 사용 사례를 다룹니다. 이메이도 서바이벌이 유니티게임인데 마테리얼타입이 없슴ㅠㅠ 뜨는게 저게 끝uabe 2. 동일한 texture를 그대로 사용하지만 color라든지, emission이라든지 변경하고 싶을 때 variant를 이용하시면 됩니다. 스플래시 화면은 유니티의 시작화면에서 유니티 로고가 뜨는 장면을 말합니다. X의 경우는 기존 노모 플러긴을 사용해 주세요. 시청하세요 poppa's house 온라인 무료
쓰꾸삐 하지만 리얼하게 표현하지 않고, 그림자가 거슬려 그림자의 영향을 받지 않게 설정을 해야하는 상황이 발생하기도 하는데, 그럴 때는 어떻게 해야. 0f 함수를 이용하면 쉽게 제거할 수 있다. Textmeshpro 설명 textmeshpro는 unity를 위한 최고의 텍스트 솔루션으로, unity의 ui 텍스트와 레거시 텍스트 메시를 완벽하게 대체합니다. 이메이도 서바이벌이 유니티게임인데 마테리얼타입이 없슴ㅠㅠ 뜨는게 저게 끝uabe 2. 이메이도 서바이벌이 유니티게임인데 마테리얼타입이 없슴ㅠㅠ 뜨는게 저게 끝uabe 2.
아마노 리리스 온리팬스 이메이도 서바이벌이 유니티게임인데 마테리얼타입이 없슴ㅠㅠ 뜨는게 저게 끝uabe 2. Golal 35 번역 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 미스터장 0 106 ai번역 유니티 제미니 번역겜 6개 버전업 및 추가 알림7 번역 미스터장 0 106 동인 미번 블아,보추. 20 326 0 질문 sequel thirst이거 변변치않은 선물 어디서 얻어야함. 만일 256x256짜리 텍스쳐가 화면에 그려진다고 생각을 해보죠. 유니티에서 간단하게 ui 이미지를 위와같이 마스크하는 방법을 소개합니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.