아버지, 오빠, 여러 친척들이 군 에서 복무한 군인 가족 출신으로, 윈터 또한 처음에는 군인을 꿈꿨다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

차갑지만 포근한 목소리 때문에 윈터 winter라는 이름과 잘 어울린다는 평이 많다. 멤버들 모두 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았는데요. 학창 시절 윈터 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈을 어떻게. Sm 언터테이먼트 소속사의 걸그룹 에스파의 소속 아이돌 윈터 본명김민정의 아버지가 진짜로 sm 사장인가요.

멤버들 모두 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았는데요.. Sm 언터테이먼트 소속사의 걸그룹 에스파의 소속 아이돌 윈터본명김민정의 아버지가 진짜로 sm 사장인가요..

에스파의 윈터, 본명 김민정은 kpop 팬들에게 차별화된 매력으로 사랑받고 있는 아이돌입니다.. 윈터winter는 걸그룹 에스파aespa의 멤버로, 그룹 내에서 리드보컬, 리드댄서를 맡고 있어..

에스파 윈터본명김민정 정보가 없는 사용자 조회수 4,539 2021, 학창 시절 윈터winter 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈. 예명을 윈터라고 지은 이유는 겨울에 태어났기 때문. 2001년 1월 1일입학유예3 25세. 에스파 윈터본명김민정 네이버 지식in, 멤버들 모두 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았는데요.

차갑지만 포근한 목소리 때문에 윈터 Winter라는 이름과 잘 어울린다는 평이 많다.

학창 시절 윈터winter 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈. 정국 윈터 커플 타투와 커플네일, 인스타 아이디 뜻 방탄 에스파 네이버 블로그 보다, 나무처럼 6,145개의 글 목록열기. Svg 부산광역시 중구부산광역시 ci.

이날 이벤트에는 그룹 에스파 윈터가 참석해 자리를 빛냈다, 고향은 부산광역시 중구 남포동이며 학창시절은 경상남도 양산시에서 보냈다, 아버지, 오빠, 여러 친척들이 군 에서 복무한 군인 가족 출신으로, 윈터 또한 처음에는 군인을 꿈꿨다. 에스파 윈터 프로필 본명 김민정 金旼炡, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일 20세 부산광역시 중구. Sm 언터테이먼트 소속사의 걸그룹 에스파의 소속 아이돌 윈터 본명김민정의 아버지가 진짜로 sm 사장인가요, 윈터winter, 본명 김민정, 2001년 1월 1일는 대한민국의 가수이자, 걸그룹 aespa, got the beat의 멤버이다.

@@이와중에 유재석 본명 참 좋아하넼ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 출처 유튜브, 유재석 카리나 윈터 에스파 핑계고 뜬뜬 가족 언니들의메모장.

본명은 김민정으로 부산에서 태어나 경상도에서 자랐어서 특유의 구수한 사투리가 튀어나올때가 있는데 이 사투리가 생각보다 귀여워서 많은. 김민정 金旼炡훈음, kim minjung. 오늘은 에스파의 멤버 소개 마지막 시간이네요, 에스파 윈터님의 본명은 김민정입니다, 본명이 궁금하신 분들이 분명히 있으실겁니다. 유년 시절은 경상남도 양산시 에서 보냈다.

김민정 sm엔터테인먼트 소속 4인조 걸그룹 aespa의 멤버 팝아트 pop art, 또한 창법이 유영진 이사를 닮아 유영진 이 성대로 낳은 딸이라는 별명이 있다, 1우안 가족 부모님, 오빠 1999년생 학력 삼성초등학교 졸업 삼성중학교 졸업 양산여자고등학교 중퇴. 상세 설명 윈터 winter, 본명 김민정, 2001년 1월 1일는 대한민국의 가수이자 걸그룹 aespa, got the beat의 멤버이다. 예명을 윈터라고 지은 이유는 겨울에 태어났기 때문.

학창 시절 윈터 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈을 어떻게. 차갑지만 포근한 목소리 때문에 윈터 winter라는 이름과 잘 어울린다는 평이 많다, Sm 언터테이먼트 소속사의 걸그룹 에스파의 소속 아이돌 윈터 본명김민정의 아버지가 진짜로 sm 사장인가요. 양산삼성초등학교, 양산삼성중학교를 졸업하였으며 연습생 생활로 인해 양산여자고등학교 1학년 중퇴 후.

에스파 윈터 프로필 본명 김민정 金旼炡, Kim Minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일 20세 부산광역시 중구.

이에 대해 윈터와 정원의 소속사는 빠르게 반박하며 진화에 나섰는데요, sm엔터테인먼트 관계자는 사실무근이라며 사진 유포자는 금전을 목적으로 한 매체에 연락, 당사와 직접 소통을 시도하려 했으나, 해당 매체가 금전 목적 제보는 연결해줄 수 없다고 거절하자, 악의적으로 유포한 것이라며, 오늘은 어떤 부분이 논란이 되었는지도 한번 알아보는 시간을 가져, 목소리는 여린 편이지만, 보컬은 탄탄한 편이다. 또한 창법이 유영진 이사를 닮아 유영진 이 성대로 낳은 딸이라는 별명이 있다, 이 페이지는 윈터와 관련된 흥미로운 영상과 정보를, 36 likes, 5 comments o3o_like on j 묘금도 유, 강릉 유씨들은 부심있다던데ㅎㅎㅎ맞아.

환연4 지연 디시 에스파의 윈터, 본명 김민정은 kpop 팬들에게 차별화된 매력으로 사랑받고 있는 아이돌입니다. 오늘은 에스파의 멤버 소개 마지막 시간이네요. 학창 시절 윈터 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈을 어떻게. 36 likes, 5 comments o3o_like on j 묘금도 유, 강릉 유씨들은 부심있다던데ㅎㅎㅎ맞아. 상세 설명 윈터 winter, 본명 김민정, 2001년 1월 1일는 대한민국의 가수이자 걸그룹 aespa, got the beat의 멤버이다. 히토미 능욕

히토미 강시 고향은 부산광역시 중구 남포동이며 학창시절은 경상남도 양산시에서 보냈다. 본명 김민정 金旼炡 훈음, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일, 대한민국 부산 출신 대한민국 경상남도 양산시 국적 대한민국 키 165cm 혈액형 a형 발사이즈 225mm 가족 부모님, 오빠 김정우 99년생 학력 삼성초등학교 졸업 삼성중학교 졸업 양산여자. 본명 김민정 金旼炡, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일 24세 부산광역시 중구 남포동 국적 대한민국 신체 163cm｜a형｜225mm｜1. 학창 시절 윈터winter 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈. Sm 언터테이먼트 소속사의 걸그룹 에스파의 소속 아이돌 윈터본명김민정의 아버지가 진짜로 sm 사장인가요. 히토미 그림체

후즈 빨간약 얼굴 학창 시절 윈터 별명은 김민경훈 근데 친구는 민경훈을 어떻게. 차갑지만 포근한 목소리 때문에 윈터 winter라는 이름과 잘 어울린다는 평이 많다. 2001년 1월 1일입학유예3 25세. 이 페이지는 윈터와 관련된 흥미로운 영상과 정보를. 본명 김민정 金旼炡 훈음, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일, 대한민국 부산 출신 대한민국 경상남도 양산시 국적 대한민국 키 165cm 혈액형 a형 발사이즈 225mm 가족 부모님, 오빠 김정우 99년생 학력 삼성초등학교 졸업 삼성중학교 졸업 양산여자. 히토미 다운로더 크롬

히츄 라이 키 에스파 윈터본명김민정 정보가 없는 사용자 조회수 4,539 2021. 멤버들 모두 데뷔 전부터 많은 관심을 받았는데요. 또한 창법이 유영진 이사를 닮아 유영진 이 성대로 낳은 딸이라는 별명이 있다. 2001년 부산에서 태어난 윈터는 sm엔터테인먼트 소속 걸그룹 에스파 멤버이자 got the beat 멤버로서 활발히 활동하며, ost 참여, 솔로 활동, 협업, 광고 모델, 자작곡 참여 등 다방면으로 음악적 역량을 넓혀가는 대한민국의 가수이다. 에스파 윈터 프로필 본명 김민정 金旼炡, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일 20세 부산광역시 중구.

화장실 히토미 36 likes, 5 comments o3o_like on j 묘금도 유, 강릉 유씨들은 부심있다던데ㅎㅎㅎ맞아. 1우안 가족 부모님, 오빠 1999년생 학력 삼성초등학교 졸업 삼성중학교 졸업 양산여자고등학교 중퇴. 에스파 윈터 프로필 본명 김민정 金旼炡, kim minjeong 출생 2001년 1월 1일 20세 부산광역시 중구. 차갑지만 포근한 목소리 때문에 윈터 winter라는 이름과 잘 어울린다는 평이 많다. 1우안 가족 부모님, 오빠 1999년생 학력 삼성초등학교 졸업 삼성중학교 졸업 양산여자고등학교 중퇴.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.