Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

위키드포굿쿠키 메가박스월드컵경기장 위키드2리뷰 위키드영화 메가박스간식 메가박스한산시간 위키드포굿쿠키후기 영화관간식추천 주말영화추천 월드컵경기장맛집 마포구영화관 위키드포굿 위키드2관람기 영화간식추천 주말데이트코스. 위키드 포굿내가 비정상인가 싶음 오리지널 티켓 마이너. 마법사와 나 파트 마법사가 한건 연출진짜 좋드라. 지난해 전 세계를 사로잡은 뮤지컬 영화 ‘위키드’의 후속편 위키드 파트2, ‘위키드 포 굿wicked for good’이 오는 11월 19일 개봉을 확정 지었습니다.

성시경 목소리 디시

갤러리 본문 영역 후기위키드 어제 후기모바일에서 작성 ㅇㅇ39.. 노원 시작할 떄 찐오즈 모습, 오즈의 마법사 도로시 일행 쫙 보여주는 연출이 넘 좋았당.. 위키드포굿쿠키 메가박스월드컵경기장 위키드2리뷰 위키드영화 메가박스간식 메가박스한산시간 위키드포굿쿠키후기 영화관간식추천 주말영화추천 월드컵경기장맛집 마포구영화관 위키드포굿 위키드2관람기 영화간식추천 주말데이트코스..

프리퀄 본편보다 시간상으로 앞선 이야기를 보여주는 속편, 뮤지컬 위키드 wicked는 동명의 소설을 원작으로 하는 작품이에요. 갤러리 본문 영역 후기위키드 어제 후기모바일에서 작성 ㅇㅇ39. 늒네 위키드 포 굿 노스포 후기 입니당 오리지널 티켓, 이번 ‘위키드 포 굿’은 파트 2로, 2025년 11월 개봉 예정입니다. 마법사와 나 파트 마법사가 한건 연출진짜 좋드라.

Com › entry › 위키드2위키드2 ‘위키드 포 굿’ 11월 개봉 확정+포스터, 예고편, 예상 내용, 위키드 포 굿, 11월 19일 개봉. 지난해 11월 중순에 만나볼 수 있었던 1편의 후속편, 파트 2에 해당하는 영화죠.

상전술식 뜻

위키드포굿 오리지널티켓 위키드포굿 돌비포스터 위키드 포 굿 2025 관람후기 스포x, 영화 위키드 포 굿의 개봉일이 확정됐다. 이번 ‘위키드 포 굿’은 파트 2로, 2025년 11월 개봉 예정입니다. 추천 24 5 이미지 ※질문 전 필독할 faq❗갤.

일반 아카 당일소진된 위키드포굿은 얼마나 재밌던걸까, 1편이 운명과 선택에 관한 이야기였다면, 2편은 그 선택의 ‘결과’에 초점을 맞추고 있어요, 위키드 포굿은 얼마나 망했길래 평점이 ㅋㅋ 오리지널 티켓. 폭발적인 글로벌 흥행 신드롬을 일으켰던 뮤지컬 블록버스터 가 대망의 파트 2로 돌아온다. 브로드웨이에서 가장 흥행한 뮤지컬 2위의 기록을 가지고 있기도 한 유명 작품, 영화이기에 구현가능한 씬들이 많았기에 위키드 원작 뮤지컬 팬들의 사랑을 사기에 충분했죠.

위키드2 개연성 어디 엿바꿔먹은거같은데 1편개연성이 더 없다는소리에 등골이 오싹함, 일반 아카 당일소진된 위키드포굿은 얼마나 재밌던걸까. 위키드 포굿 위키드 2편, 그러니깐 위키드 속편이자 마지막 편인 위키드 제목은 위키드 포굿이었다. 나도 재밌게 봤어 근데 이야기 전개가 좀 중구난방인 경향이 있어서 1회차는 좀 정리가 안 되고 2회차하면 좋은 영화 같아read more. 24일 유니버설 픽쳐스는 영화 위키드 포 굿의 개봉일 확정 소식과 함께 엘파바와 글린다의 모습이 담긴.

퍼스트라이드랑 크게 차이가 안 나냐후기 평 들으면 들을수록 보러가기 싫어지네1이 선녀라는 평이 너무 지배적이다 ㅋㅋ, 감독이 위키드 팬들이 좋아할 영화를 만들고, 수익 때문에 일부러 2개로 나눈거같음 1편이 물론 훨씬 좋았지만 늘어져서 지루한 부분이 있다고 생각했는데 2편은 더 심한거 같음. 마법사와 나 파트 마법사가 한건 연출진짜 좋드라. 추천 24 5 이미지 ※질문 전 필독할 faq❗갤.

퍼스트라이드랑 크게 차이가 안 나냐후기 평 들으면 들을수록 보러가기 싫어지네1이 선녀라는 평이 너무 지배적이다 ㅋㅋ. 수플포가 괜찮지않았나 2피되면 인정해야, 멋있게 대치된 글린다와 엘파바, 홀로그램 표현과 캐릭터 형압이 정말 예쁘게 박혀있습니다.

진짜이렇게최악의작품 너무 오랜만이야 오리지널 티켓.. Com › rite › 223866908925영화 위키드 포 굿 2025 2부 포스터 공개, 도로시 등장 여부 및.. Com › entry › 위키드2위키드2 ‘위키드 포 굿’ 11월 개봉 확정+포스터, 예고편, 예상 내용..

세전 220 연봉

140분 분량인데 뮤지컬 분량 엄청나서 지루하지 않았어요. 위키드포굿쿠키 메가박스월드컵경기장 위키드2리뷰 위키드영화 메가박스간식 메가박스한산시간 위키드포굿쿠키후기 영화관간식추천 주말영화추천 월드컵경기장맛집 마포구영화관 위키드포굿 위키드2관람기 영화간식추천 주말데이트코스. 또한 제97회 아카데미 시상식에서 10개 부문에 노미네이트되어 미술상과 의상상을 수상했고, 사운드트랙 발매 후 빌보드 200 차트에 2위로.

노원 시작할 떄 찐오즈 모습, 오즈의 마법사 도로시 일행 쫙 보여주는 연출이 넘 좋았당. 인터미션 1년이 벌써 반이나 지났습니다, 원더풀에서 글린다 나오는건 호불호 갈리는거 같은데. 감독이 위키드 팬들이 좋아할 영화를 만들고.

성시경 2찍 인터미션 1년이 벌써 반이나 지났습니다. 위키드 포굿 보고 느낀점 오리지널 티켓 마이너 갤러리. 우선 위키드 1편이 2시간 40분의 러닝타임을 가짐에도 좋았던 이유는, 넘버 하나하나가 거를 타선없이 정말 좋았고 임팩트 있었으며 미감, 내용, 줄거리, 서사, 진행 흐름, 노래, 감정선이 모두 아름답게 진행되고 뮤지컬 영화의 단점으로 꼽히는 개연성 문제도. 우선 위키드 1편이 2시간 40분의 러닝타임을 가짐에도 좋았던 이유는, 넘버 하나하나가 거를 타선없이 정말 좋았고 임팩트 있었으며 미감, 내용, 줄거리, 서사, 진행 흐름, 노래, 감정선이 모두 아름답게 진행되고 뮤지컬 영화의 단점으로 꼽히는 개연성 문제도. 위키드 포 굿, 11월 19일 개봉. 서유하 틱톡

샤머호 xxx 인터미션 1년이 벌써 반이나 지났습니다. Com › rite › 223866908925영화 위키드 포 굿 2025 2부 포스터 공개, 도로시 등장 여부 및. 2 012년작, 2016년작, 2017년작 등과 함께 할리우드를 대표하는 명품 뮤지컬 영화로 자리매김했다고 볼 수 있죠. 진짜이렇게최악의작품 너무 오랜만이야 오리지널 티켓. 마법사와 나 파트 마법사가 한건 연출진짜 좋드라. 설하asmr

샤머호 노출 위키드포굿쿠키 메가박스월드컵경기장 위키드2리뷰 위키드영화 메가박스간식 메가박스한산시간 위키드포굿쿠키후기 영화관간식추천 주말영화추천 월드컵경기장맛집 마포구영화관 위키드포굿 위키드2관람기 영화간식추천 주말데이트코스. 예고편만 봐도 벌써 감정선이 밀려오는 건 저뿐일까요. 위키드 포굿 보고 느낀점 오리지널 티켓 마이너 갤러리. 예고편만 봐도 벌써 감정선이 밀려오는 건 저뿐일까요. 프리퀄 본편보다 시간상으로 앞선 이야기를 보여주는 속편. 세나 증바람

색스야동 Lyrics of songs 뮤지컬 wicked 위키드 포굿 for good 가사 해석 agt 36625withenglish ・ 2024. 수익 때문에 일부러 2개로 나눈거같음 1편이 물론 훨씬 좋았지만 늘어져서 지루한 부분이 있다고 생각했는데 2편은 더 심한거 같음. 늒네 위키드 포 굿 노스포 후기 입니당 오리지널 티켓. 뮤지컬 영화 위키드2, 감동의 후속편 실시간 이슈 총정리 2025 개봉작 🎭 뮤지컬 영화 ‘위키드’ 후속작이 온다. 수익 때문에 일부러 2개로 나눈거같음 1편이 물론 훨씬 좋았지만 늘어져서 지루한 부분이 있다고 생각했는데 2편은 더 심한거 같음.

서냥냥 팬방 감독이 위키드 팬들이 좋아할 영화를 만들고. 1편이 운명과 선택에 관한 이야기였다면, 2편은 그 선택의 ‘결과’에 초점을 맞추고 있어요. 일반 아카 당일소진된 위키드포굿은 얼마나 재밌던걸까. 뮤지컬 위키드 wicked는 동명의 소설을 원작으로 하는 작품이에요. 위키드 포굿 보고 느낀점 오리지널 티켓 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.