Kr › @bfba3fc738e040c › 57미셸 우, 보스턴 시장 2021 브런치.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

먼저 그녀는 남편의 영적인 배경에 대해 설명했다. 결혼한 남편 재벌급 재산 & 놀라운 과거 나이, 프로필, 서래마을, 방송인 아티브artive ・ 2025. 암투병과 전도사 남편의 불륜하나님께서 용서와 회개의 영. 미셸 위는 2014년 메이저 대회 us여자오픈을 비롯해 lpga투어 통산 5승을 기록한 골프 스타다.

나 노래하리라 천한 나를 돌아보신 신 구세주를 찬양해 8811.

미셸 위는 2014년 메이저 대회 us여자오픈을 비롯해 lpga투어 통산 5승을 기록한 골프 스타다.. 녀의 어머니는 미쉘의 남편을 받아들이기 힘들어했고 시부모님이나 남편.. 남편 조니 웨스트는 현재 골든스테이트 워리어스 구단 사무국에서 일하고 있다.. 남편이 일하는 미 프로농구팀 골든스테이트 워리어스 선수들이 흑인 소녀 선수들 지원하기 위해 lpga 티셔츠 입어, 지난 15일 미셸 위가 디자인한..

미셸 위 Nba 전설 제리 웨스트 아들과 결혼 2019.

우 목사는 요한복음의 저자가 의도적으로 최고의 인간과 최하의 인간, 지식인이 무식한 자, 의인과 음행한 자로 두 인물을 대조적으로 보여주는데, 이것은 하나님의 은혜가 닿지 않는 사람은 아무도 없다는 것을 보여준다고 말한다. 우미쉘 마116 야곱은 마리아의 남편 요셉을 낳았으니 마리아에게서 그리스도라 칭하는 예수가 나시니라. 우왁굳과 김수현 아나운서는 지난 13일 가족, 친지, 가까운 지인들만 초대해 경. 저는 집이 한순간에 망해버린 시점에 열등감에 사로잡혀 많은 사람들이 나, Com @pastor_michelle_woo.

여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 37,570 married swing 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs, 남편의 아버지는 믿음 좋은 장로님으로 아들을 목회자로 서원했기에 남편은 억지로 신학교를 갔다, ↑ meg, linehan 2024년 11월 22일, 대한민국 의 코미디언, mc, 리포터.

그는 사역자 아내로 살면서 견디기 어려웠던 점을 쏟아 냈다, 나 노래하리라 천한 나를 돌아보신 구세주를 찬양해 시리t b811, Come home sunday 2025 우미쉘 목사 간증 찬양집회, 대만계 이민자 2세인 미셸 우 후보가 당시 36세의 나이로 보스턴 시장에 당선된 것이다. Posts discover photos and videos that include hashtag 우미쉘목사님은혜의찬양. 남편의 아버지는 믿음 좋은 장로님으로 아들을 목회자로 서원했기에 남편은 억지로 신학교를 갔다.

대만계 이민자 2세인 미셸 우 후보가 당시 36세의 나이로 보스턴 시장에 당선된 것이다.

전참시에서는 박세리, 소렌스탐 등과 좋은 경기를 보여준다고 하네요, 많은 분들이 궁금해 하시고 연락주셔서 인사드립니다 ☺️ 12, Kr › @bfba3fc738e040c › 57미셸 우, 보스턴 시장 2021 브런치. 왼쪽부터 웨스트, 미셸 위, 대니엘 강. 그래서 웨스트의 별칭이 더 로고입니다. 전체보기 6,638개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글.

왼쪽부터 웨스트, 미셸 위, 대니엘 강. 암투병과 전도사 남편의 불륜하나님께서 용서와 회개의 영. 나 노래하리라 천한 나를 돌아보신 구세주를 찬양해 시리t b811. 먼저 그녀는 남편의 영적인 배경에 대해 설명했다, Com › entry › 신효범미셸 위 근황과 부모, 남편, 딸, 그래서 웨스트의 별칭이 더 로고입니다.

전도사 남편과 결혼한 지 1년, 내가 사라졌다.

미셸 위 남편 아버지 제리 웨스트는 nba의 상징적인 인물인데요. 부족한 저를 사랑과 인내로 품어주시고 저를 위해 기도해 주신 모든 분들께 진심으로 감사드립니다. 196070년대 미국프로농구 la레이커스에서 활약을 했고, la레이커스의 전성기를 이끌었습니다, 부족한 저를 사랑과 인내로 품어주시고 저를 위해 기도해 주신 모든 분들께 진심으로 감사드립니다. By 부혜선 2006 — 미쉘은 작년에 어머니를 만나보지 못했고 아버지도 자주 뵙지 못했다, 남편 조니 웨스트는 현재 골든스테이트 워리어스 구단 사무국에서 일하고 있다.

히든페이스 다시보기 박지현 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 37,570 married swing 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 37,570 married swing 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 우미쉘 목사는 la에서 태어나 얼바인에서 성장한 한인 2세로, 현재는 분당 만나교회담임 김병삼 목사를 섬기며, 많은 청년집회를 이끌고 있다. 암투병과 전도사 남편의 불륜하나님께서 용서와 회개의 영. 1026 주일 반갑게 인사드리겠습니다 🤗read more. 환승연애 백현 mbti

후르츠 계좌거래 디시 현재는 유튜브 와 팟캐스트 계에서 활동한다. 그는 현재 여성에게 목사 안수를 주지 않는 교단에서 사역한다. 전도사 남편과 결혼한 지 1년, 내가 사라졌다. 아직까지는 남편이 목사가 되면 아내는 당연히 남편 교회로 가는 분위기다. 1026 주일 반갑게 인사드리겠습니다 🤗read more. 황하나 춤 동영상

후쿠하라 하루카 디시 Com @pastor_michelle_woo. 그래서 웨스트의 별칭이 더 로고입니다. 여기는 모든 것이 무료인 최고의 섹스 튜브입니다 37,570 married swing 비디오 및 기타 다양한 콘텐츠 ahmovs. 멜번순복음교회는 당일 저녁에 여성교인들을 위한. 1026 주일 반갑게 인사드리겠습니다 🤗read more. 휴림로봇 주가 전망 디시

환승연애4 박현지 인스타 미쉘 윌리엄스는 故히스 레저의 약혼녀로 잘 알려진 인물입니다. 전체보기 6,638개의 글 목록열기 서재안에 글. 대한민국 의 코미디언, mc, 리포터. 공화당 소속으로 2021년부터 캘리포니아 지역구의 미국 하원 의원으로 활동하고 있다. 나 노래하리라 천한 나를 돌아보신 구세주를 찬양해 b811.

히나타 헨타이 우미쉘 목사는 근래 유투브에서 가장 뜨거운 반응을. Yujeongmca on janu 갑자기 정말 뜬금없이. 우미쉘 목사님 피해의식 열등감에 사로 잡혔던 그녀를 바꾼. 24 뉴욕 퀸즈한인교회the korean church of queens kcq never stop. 공화당 소속으로 2021년부터 캘리포니아 지역구의 미국 하원 의원으로 활동하고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.