US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
귀멸의 칼날 무한성편 최종장이 될 키부츠지 무잔과의 전투에서 승리 후 칸로지 미츠리와 함께 죽음을 맞이합니다. 이구로가 충격받은 사촌의 놀라운 근황, 너 양심 있냐. 뱀의 호흡을 사용하는 귀살대 사주 蛇柱. 귀멸의 칼날 등장인물 이구로 오바나이 네이버 블로그 전체보기 795개의 글 목록닫기.
이구로 오바나이 의 전투력 및 기술을 서술하는 문서.. 이구로가 충격받은 사촌의 놀라운 근황, 너 양심 있냐..
| 난 마지막 장면에서 마이클한테 떨어져서 오바하며 놀라는 것도 좀 의문이야. | Days ago 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌을 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. | 출생 도쿄부 하치조 섬 하치조후지 서산1. | 전투의 자리에서 이구로 오바나이가 뱀의 호흡을 사용하며 적과 맞서 싸우는 모습은 많은 이들에게 깊은 인상을 남깁니다. |
|---|---|---|---|
| 195화에서 도망가는 무잔을 탄지로가 죽음 검사들의 일륜도를 던지면서 방해하는 과정에서 이구로가. | 취미는 센류, 하이쿠, 설탕공예 관전. | 프로필 링크로 예매 극장판_귀멸의칼날_무한성편. | 이구로가 충격받은 사촌의 놀라운 근황, 너 양심 있냐. |
| 귀멸의 칼날 무한성편 최종장이 될 키부츠지 무잔과의 전투에서 승리 후 칸로지 미츠리와 함께 죽음을 맞이합니다. | 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌 누이를 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. | 귀멸의 칼날 무한성편 최종장이 될 키부츠지 무잔과의 전투에서 승리 후 칸로지 미츠리와 함께 죽음을 맞이합니다. | 면책 조항 이 요약은 인공 지능 ai을 사용하여 작성되었습니다. |
| 취미는 센류, 하이쿠, 설탕공예 관전. | 195화에서 도망가는 무잔 을 탄지로가 죽음 검사들의 일륜도를 던지면서 방해하는 과정에서 이구로가. | 오바나이가 죽어갈 때 카부라마루의 눈가에 눈물이 계속 맺혀 있는데 이것으로 둘의 유대관계가 깊다는 것을 표현한 듯. | 이 블로그 포스팅에서는 이구로 오바나이의 과거와 뱀의 호흡과의 관계를 탐구해 보겠습니다. |
그리고 무이치로가 마지막에 할 수 있었던 일은 검을 강하게 쥐는 것이었다고 생각한 오바나이는 죽음을 각오하고 검을 강하게 쥐어잡으면 혁도를, 마이클 죽음에 놀라는 연기보다는 자기가 실수로 죽여서 놀라는 연기에 가깝다고 느껴졌거든 너무 오버해서 그런걸까. 195화에서 도망가는 무잔 을 탄지로가 죽음 검사들의 일륜도를 던지면서 방해하는 과정에서 이구로가. 이구로 오바나이 사주 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다.
가진 것이라곤 낡은 재봉 기술과 자존심뿐이었던 이 소녀가, 어떻게 당대 최고의 재력가들과. 리카 가면 떨어지고 힘내라는 장면 여동생 죽음이네 마키처럼 쌍둥이 죽은 완전 천여주박 돼버려서 더이상 리카가 필요없게 된거 ㄷ. 이구로 오바나이의 비극적 과거 어린 시절과 고통 이구로 오바나이는 일본 애니메이션 귀멸의 칼날에서 뱀의 호흡을 사용하는 캐릭터로 등장합니다.
그러나 금방 눈치를 챈 뱀 오니가 오바나이를 따라왔고 죽기 직전까지 갔으나, 렌코쿠 쿄주로의. 면책 조항 이 요약은 인공 지능 ai을 사용하여 작성되었습니다. 입이 찢어져 있어서 하관에 붕대를 감고 다님. 귀멸의 칼날 사주 이구로 오바나이에게 숨겨진 고지식함과 상냥함 9월 15일은 귀멸의 칼날 사주 이구로 오. 캐릭터 소개 이름, 이구로 오바나이. 오바나이는 몰래 비녀 하나를 훔쳐 감옥을 탈출하게 된다.
뱀의 호흡을 사용하는 귀살대 사주 蛇柱.. 오바나이의 사후 시력을 거의 상실한 카나오가 물 read more.. 목에 카부라마루라는 뱀을 데리고 다님.. 입이 찢어져 있어서 하관에 붕대를 감고 다님..
오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌 누이를 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다, 귀멸의칼날 이구로오바나이 귀멸의칼날tmi 끔찍했던 이구로의 과거사에서 유일하게 생존했었던 이구로의 사촌, 팬북2탄에서는 그녀가 어떻게. 왼쪽 어깨, 얼굴과 귀를 베인 칸로지 미츠리를 골목으로 피신시키고 귀살대원에게 치료를 부탁한 후 다시 무잔과의 싸움에 돌입한다, Days ago 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌을 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. 그의 어린 시절은 결코 평탄하지 않았고, 가정에서의 고통적인 경험이 그의 성격과 전투 스타일에 큰 영향을 미쳤죠.
이에 그녀는 네가 순순히 산제물이 되었으면 가족들이 죽을 일도 없었어, 프로필 링크로 예매 극장판_귀멸의칼날_무한성편. 216기본 표정이 공포스릴러라 뭘 표현해도 오버하는 느낌이 있는 듯ㅠ 자기가 실수.
Com › tlswjddn257752 › 221911352803귀멸의 칼날 이구로 오바나이에 대해 네이버 블로그, 신체 키 162 몸무게 53 생일 915 외형 검은색 머리, 나이에 오바진 수녀원 고아원에 버려진 소녀 가브리엘, 오바나이의 사후 시력을 거의 상실한 카나오가 물 read more. 오바나이가 죽어갈 때 카부라마루의 눈가에 눈물이 계속 맺혀 있는데 이것으로 둘의 유대관계가 깊다는 것을 표현한 듯. 그의 어린 시절은 결코 평탄하지 않았고, 가정에서의 고통적인 경험이 그의 성격과 전투 스타일에 큰 영향을 미쳤죠.
saizneko fb 오바나이는 몰래 비녀 하나를 훔쳐 감옥을 탈출하게 된다. 그의 어린 시절은 결코 평탄하지 않았고, 가정에서의 고통적인 경험이 그의 성격과 전투 스타일에 큰 영향을 미쳤죠. 귀멸의 칼날 무한성편 최종장이 될 키부츠지 무잔과의 전투에서 승리 후 칸로지 미츠리와 함께 죽음을 맞이합니다. 오바나이는 몰래 비녀 하나를 훔쳐 감옥을 탈출하게 된다. 그리고 무이치로가 마지막에 할 수 있었던 일은 검을 강하게 쥐는 것이었다고 생각한 오바나이는 죽음을 각오하고 검을 강하게 쥐어잡으면 혁도를. shinen2022
ro_bbin123 xxx 이 때 자신은 더러운 read more. 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌 누이를 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. 난 마지막 장면에서 마이클한테 떨어져서 오바하며 놀라는 것도 좀 의문이야. 신체 키 162 몸무게 53 생일 915 외형 검은색 머리. 라고 폭언을 내뱉으며 뻔뻔 하게 오바나이를 매도했다. sa-101mib
s1s1s1 나무위키 195화에서 도망가는 무잔 을 탄지로가 죽음 검사들의 일륜도를 던지면서 방해하는 과정에서 이구로가. 그러나 그의 경력 뒤에는 비극적인 과거가 숨겨져 있죠. 귀멸의 칼날 사주 이구로 오바나이에게 숨겨진 고지식함과 상냥함 9월 15일은 귀멸의 칼날 사주 이구로 오. 렌고쿠 쿄쥬로상현3에게 사망 고쵸우 시노부상현2에게 처참하게 사망 히메지마 교메이무잔에게 사망 사네미반점을 발현해서 사망 이구로 오바나이,칸로지 미츠리무잔에게 사망 토키토 무이치로상현1에게 사망 우즈이텐겐자기가 무잔에게 죽을껄 알고 은퇴함 토미오카 기유반점을 발현해서. 렌고쿠 쿄쥬로상현3에게 사망 고쵸우 시노부상현2에게 처참하게 사망 히메지마 교메이무잔에게 사망 사네미반점을 발현해서 사망 이구로 오바나이,칸로지 미츠리무잔에게 사망 토키토 무이치로상현1에게 사망 우즈이텐겐자기가 무잔에게 죽을껄 알고 은퇴함 토미오카 기유반점을 발현해서. sava schultz ✯
rplay 태리 오바나이는 몰래 비녀 하나를 훔쳐 감옥을 탈출하게 된다. 오바나이의 사후 시력을 거의 상실한 카나오가 물 read more. 리카 가면 떨어지고 힘내라는 장면 여동생 죽음이네 마키처럼 쌍둥이 죽은 완전 천여주박 돼버려서 더이상 리카가 필요없게 된거 ㄷ. 명품 인문학 샤넬 제국의 시작, 차가운 돌바닥 위에서 울던. 귀멸의 칼날 등장인물 이구로 오바나이 네이버 블로그 전체보기 795개의 글 목록닫기.
shinen2022 kemono 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌 누이를 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. Com › tlswjddn257752 › 221911352803귀멸의 칼날 이구로 오바나이에 대해 네이버 블로그. 이구로 오바나이 사주 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. 오바나이 본인이 12살 때 감옥에서 탈출하자, 오바나이 본인과 사촌 누이를 제외한 가문 사람들 50명이 뱀 도깨비에게 모두 죽임을 당했다. 전투의 자리에서 이구로 오바나이가 뱀의 호흡을 사용하며 적과 맞서 싸우는 모습은 많은 이들에게 깊은 인상을 남깁니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
전투의 자리에서 이구로 오바나이가 뱀의 호흡을 사용하며 적과 맞서 싸우는 모습은 많은 이들에게 깊은 인상을 남깁니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.