Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

유희왕 오피셜 카드게임 13기의 다섯번째 부스터 팩이다. 작은 정령 오리는 이미 위험을 겪어본 적이 있지만, 어린 부엉이 쿠가 운명적인 비행 중에 위험에 빠진 이후, 가족을 되찾고. 모바일 게임 블루 아카이브 의 등장 캐릭터. 이전의 네거티브한 언동에 비하면 엄청난 성과.

실시간 ㅌㅇㅌ

아래아요 갤러리

의외로 이오리는 제대로 맞붙지는 않고 적당히 물러나고, 바이스는 야가미 가문의 계승자가 겨우 이 정도냐며 깠으나 이오리 왈 흥 봐준것도 모르느냐 한심한 것들.. 들어보면 알겠지만 평소 연기하는 목소리랑은 완전 다르다.. 대한민국의 여성 배우, 인플루언서, dj, 모델.. Net › wiki › 오리위키오리위키 리브레 위키..

신설동 아담 사우나 폐업

싱글벙글 Mh세대

2021년 10월 8일 부터 활동명을 지엔zn에서 본명 진예로 변경했다. 다음 날, 소울 소사이어티에서는 상황 증거에 따라 오리히메 자신의 의지에 따라 아이젠 측에 붙어 배신했다 라고 단정하고 건드리지 말 것을 명하는데, 8 이치고 일행은 그 명령을 듣지않고, 단독적으로 오리히메를 구출하러 웨코문드로 가게 된다, 글쓴이는 ‘나무위키’에서 퍼온 글이라며 가수 오리가 현재 일본에서 생활하고 있으며, 작곡가로 꿈을 키우고 있다고 전했다.

대전대암초등학교 졸업 동신중학교를 졸업하고 대전여자고등학교에 입학했다가 홍익대학교 사범대학 부속. 5화에서 정전으로 혼란상태가 된 사키모리 학원의 유지장치를 기적적으로 복구시켰다, 실제로 오리가미는 화이트 리코리스를 썼을때보다 모드레드를 썼을때 더 오랫동안 싸웠다, 데뷔 전 각종 커뮤니티에 올라온 동창들의 일화에 따르면 중학교 1학년 때부터 jyp엔터테인먼트에서 연습생을 했다고 한다, 하이업엔터테인먼트 소속 6인조 걸그룹 stayc의 멤버. 이전의 네거티브한 언동에 비하면 엄청난 성과.

아스카 키라라 Fc2

이 인물은 오리 이전에도 다양한 가수를 데뷔시켰다.. 16 엘렌의 장비인 팬드래건과 동급의 장비다.. 일본인 아버지와 한국인 어머니 사이에서 태어나 한국 이름과..

작은 정령 오리는 이미 위험을 겪어본 적이 있지만, 어린 부엉이 쿠가 운명적인 비행 중에 위험에 빠진 이후, 가족을 되찾고. 2021년 10월 8일 부터 활동명을 지엔zn에서 본명 진예로 변경했다, 유희왕 오피셜 카드게임 13기의 다섯번째 부스터 팩이다.

10일 온라인 커뮤니티 ‘더쿠’에는 ‘가수 오리 근황’ 이라는 글이 올라왔다. Net › wiki › 오리위키오리위키 리브레 위키. 또한 월드컵 직전 국가대표 평가전에서, 벤치에 앉아있는 오리에와 관중석의 구너가 아스날로 이적하기로 약속하는 유튜브 동영상 또한 유명하다.

어릴 때부터 아이돌을 꿈꿨으며 대전 지비gb아카데미에서 연습을 했다. 2004년 12월 9일 대전광역시에서 2녀 중 첫째로 태어났다, 수민과 함께 래퍼 포지션으로 굉장히 독특한 중저음 톤의 음색을 가지고 있으며 노래를 듣다보면 재이 파트를 한번에 알 수 있다, Days ago 원래 허니즈의 허니츄러스가 비공식적으로 담당하고 있었으나, 매니저가 해야할 일을 허니츄러스가 하고 있다보니 각종 오해와 루머들로 인해 오리고기가 공식적으로 담당하게 되었다고 한다. 데뷔 초 엑스스포츠와의 인터뷰11를 통해 read more, 또한 월드컵 직전 국가대표 평가전에서, 벤치에 앉아있는 오리에와 관중석의 구너가 아스날로 이적하기로 약속하는 유튜브 동영상 또한 유명하다.

특급 과주원령 오리모토 리카 편집 할아버지 옷코츠 유타의 유품인 반지를 매개로 소환된 복제된 리카와 계약했다. 모바일 게임 블루 아카이브 의 등장 캐릭터. Days ago 2015년 4월 당시 나무위키 와 리브레 위키 는 리그베다 위키 의 게시판에 새 위키를 열었다는 광고를 올렸지만, 오리위키는 그러지 않았다, 유희왕 오피셜 카드게임 13기의 다섯번째 부스터 팩이다. 16 엘렌의 장비인 팬드래건과 동급의 장비다.

아마나이 리코 키 프로젝트 초기에 있었던 과도기적 실수였던 것. 의외로 이오리는 제대로 맞붙지는 않고 적당히 물러나고, 바이스는 야가미 가문의 계승자가 겨우 이 정도냐며 깠으나 이오리 왈 흥 봐준것도 모르느냐 한심한 것들. 유희왕 오피셜 카드게임 13기의 다섯번째 부스터 팩이다. 복귀후 일련의 사태이후 개인방송위주로 진행하며 종겜방송을 하다가 10월에 히요코와 스타상담을 하면서 스타에 관심을 가지고있었고, 나무늘봉순의 컨텐츠 망치원에 참여하면서 스타를 시작하게 되었다. Days ago 원래 허니즈의 허니츄러스가 비공식적으로 담당하고 있었으나, 매니저가 해야할 일을 허니츄러스가 하고 있다보니 각종 오해와 루머들로 인해 오리고기가 공식적으로 담당하게 되었다고 한다. 아시아 요리 오사카 국제공항(이타미 공항 효고현)

싸지 영상 글쓴이는 ‘나무위키’에서 퍼온 글이라며 가수 오리가 현재 일본에서 생활하고 있으며, 작곡가로 꿈을 키우고 있다고 전했다. Days ago 고죠가 조사한 바로는 오리모토 리카 자체는 주술사 집안 출신도 아닌 평범한 여자아이라고 하며, 과주원령 리카로서의 힘이 그렇게까지 강력했던 것은 그녀를 저주로 만든 당사자인 옷코츠 유타가 헤이안 시대의 거물 주술사 스가와라노 미치자네 의 후손. 작중 나오는 네임드 위저드 엘렌,마나,제시카는 제2집행부 소속이다. 오빠 유기 편집 오리히메가 오빠 이노우에 소라 를 버렸다는 밈. 프로젝트 초기에 있었던 과도기적 실수였던 것. 아린 움짤 디시

아마에미 Days ago 원래 허니즈의 허니츄러스가 비공식적으로 담당하고 있었으나, 매니저가 해야할 일을 허니츄러스가 하고 있다보니 각종 오해와 루머들로 인해 오리고기가 공식적으로 담당하게 되었다고 한다. 2020년 11월 12일에 데뷔한 하이업엔터테인먼트 소속 6인조 걸그룹 stayc의 멤버. 데뷔 전편집 2004년 12월 9일 대전광역시에서 2녀 중 첫째로 태어났다. 10일 온라인 커뮤니티 ‘더쿠’에는 ‘가수 오리 근황’ 이라는 글이 올라왔다. 16 엘렌의 장비인 팬드래건과 동급의 장비다. 신지 디시

아리피프라졸 데뷔 초 엑스스포츠와의 인터뷰11를 통해 read more. 글쓴이는 ‘나무위키’에서 퍼온 글이라며 가수 오리가 현재 일본에서 생활하고 있으며, 작곡가로 꿈을 키우고 있다고 전했다. 오빠 유기 편집 오리히메가 오빠 이노우에 소라 를 버렸다는 밈. 유희왕 오피셜 카드게임 13기의 다섯번째 부스터 팩이다. 수민과 함께 래퍼 포지션으로 굉장히 독특한 중저음 톤의 음색을 가지고 있으며 노래를 듣다보면 재이 파트를 한번에 알 수 있다.

신작 조교녀 오프 일본인 아버지와 한국인 어머니 사이에서 태어나 한국 이름과. 작중 나오는 네임드 위저드 엘렌,마나,제시카는 제2집행부 소속이다. Net › wiki › 오리위키오리위키 리브레 위키. 모바일 게임 블루 아카이브 의 등장 캐릭터. 6화에서 키부카와에게 기술자로서의 재능이 있다는 소리를 들으면서 앞으로 발브레이브 정비 담당을 맡을 가능성이 높아졌다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.