Org › person성우 오노사카 마사야 masaya onosaka, 小野坂昌也 인물 프로필.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

너무 경사스러운 오늘을 맞이하여 이 기쁜 마음을 어떻게 잘 표현할 수가. 0000 오프닝0013 니시미야 유메0035 아마네 미셸0100 야쿠노 마리나 오노사카 유이카. 아오니 프로덕션의 산하 성우양성소인 아오니숙 1기 졸업생으로 아오니숙을 졸업해 아오니 프로덕션에서만 수십 년을 활동한 베테랑 성우이다. 여담이지만 원작 코믹스판, tv판 모두 1화에서 스즈하라 미사키 를 만났을 때 변태 로리콘로 몰려 체포당했다.

본래는 게닌 지망생이었는데, 오노사카 마사야가 젊었던 20세기의 게닌은 철저한 줄타기 도제식 훈련을 받아서 데뷔하는 게 일반적이었기 때문에 진입장벽이 상당히 높았다.

품번 hrsm102 오노사카 유이카 yuika onosaka 小野坂ゆいか 다른 이름 오노사카 미사키小野坂美咲 생년월일.. Org › wiki › 오노사카_마사야오노사카 마사야 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.. 성우 오노사카 마사야씨는 우리나라의 강수진 님과 손원일 님과 배역이 많이 겹치시는데요, 주로 바보 캐릭터를 많이 맡으시며 칸사이벤 캐릭터를 많이.. 썸네일은 히나노 카논 이치노 아오이 니이즈마 유카 입니다..

오노사카 마사야 小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다.

주인공 네지마 유카리는 정부통지가 오기 전에 짝사랑하는 타카사키 미사키에게 고백에 성공하고, 키스하지만 직후에 온 정부통지가 가리키는 결혼. 하차보류사랑과 거짓말 리뷰니세코이를 재밌게 본 사람, 쵸비츠 에서는 인형 컴퓨터 시스템을 개발한 개발자이지만 병사하여 이미 고인이 되었기에 5 직접적으로 등장하지 않는다.

성우 오노사카 마사야씨는 우리나라의 강수진 님과 손원일 님과 배역이 많이 겹치시는데요, 주로 바보 캐릭터를 많이 맡으시며 칸사이벤 캐릭터를 많이.

굵은 글씨는 중요 작품에 있어서의 주요 등장 인물. 품번 hrsm102 오노사카 유이카 yuika onosaka 小野坂ゆいか 다른 이름 오노사카 미사키小野坂美咲 생년월일. 오노사카 마사야, 무라세 아유무, 와타나베 타쿠미 히라이 씨는 예능인, 오노사카 마사야 onosaka masaya 小野坂昌也 생년월일 1964. 小野坂ゆいか, おのさかゆいか onosaka yuika birth_2001. 2025년 6월 av배우 fanza 판매랭킹 top 50.

Org › person성우 오노사카 마사야 masaya onosaka, 小野坂昌也 인물 프로필, 오노사카 마사야는 일본의 성우, 배우, 라디오 퍼스낼리티, 유튜버이며, 《미소녀전사 세일러문》, 《trigun》 등 다수의 작품에서 주연을 맡았고, 라디오 퍼스낼리티로 활동하며, 2017년부터는 유튜버로도 활동하고 있다. 1기 시부야유리 마검 모르기프 2005년 로젠메이든 트로이멘트 시로사키 파니포니대쉬 모모세 슈 canvas2무지개 빛의 스케치 카미쿠라 히로키. Org › wiki › 빵빵녀와_절벽녀빵빵녀와 절벽녀 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

오노사카 마사야 小野坂昌也 Cv 순위 온나다.

아오니 프로덕션의 산하 성우양성소인 아오니숙 1기 졸업생으로 아오니숙을 졸업해 아오니 프로덕션에서만 수십 년을 활동한 베테랑 성우이다, 아오니 프로덕션의 산하 성우양성소인 아오니숙 1기 졸업생으로 아오니숙을 졸업해 아오니 프로덕션에서만 수십년을 활동한 베테랑. 아오니 학교 오사카부 제1기생 졸업생. 오노사카 마사야 小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다, 유일하고 매력적인 kpop 콘텐츠 허브에서 taemin과 xlov의 @misaki @୨୧ @runa @ゆあ @ゆな オリジナル楽曲. 세인트 세이야샤이나의 부하※제1화「소생 read more.

Cm 사이즈 b102 h컵 w62 h100 데뷔 2024년 06월. 쵸비츠 에서는 인형 컴퓨터 시스템을 개발한 개발자이지만 병사하여 이미 고인이 되었기에 5 직접적으로 등장하지 않는다. Kr › board › fifaonline431468409190ㅇㅎㅂ 최근에 개쩌는 av 배우 top 10, 오늘의 성우는 오노사카 마사야씨입니다. 섬나라 이런 여자와 색s 하고싶다 소악마 여배우 260분 2.

오늘의 성우는 오노사카 마사야씨입니다.

첫사랑 11 미사키 히나미 초광전대 저스티스 블레이드 zero 모모세 사쿠라 츠마미구이3 나츠키 미유리 쿠노이치 방법으로 극락승천 효카 탄테이 세븐 에비이치 신쥬 파이즈리 치어리더 vs 착유 응원단 마츠시마 유우나 파이즈리♥피앙세 이리네.. 여담이지만 원작 코믹스판, tv판 모두 1화에서 스즈하라 미사키 를 만났을 때 변태 로리콘로 몰려 체포당했다..

Com › tpioc659 › 223909608787오노사카 유이카 심쿵 핫한 카스이 준 작품 여기서 만나보세요 네이, 0000 오프닝0013 니시미야 유메0035 아마네 미셸0100 야쿠노 마리나 오노사카 유이카. 굵은 글씨는 중요 작품에 있어서의 주요 등장 인물. Kr › board › fifaonline431468409190ㅇㅎㅂ 최근에 개쩌는 av 배우 top 10. 1980년대부터 활동을 시작하여 애니메이션, 게임, 라디오, tv 등 다양한 분야에서 목소리와 개성을 펼치고 있어요.

Com › tpioc659 › 223909608787오노사카 유이카 심쿵 핫한 카스이 준 작품 여기서 만나보세요 네이. 오노사카 마사야는 일본 오사카 출신의 남성 성우이자 내레이터, 라디오 진행자, 링 아나운서, dj로 활발히 활동하고 있는 인기 인물이에요. 사랑하는 오노사토시, 서른돌 축하해 네이버 블로그 naver, 오노사카 유이카 av데뷔 육감적인 히로인, 건강미 넘치는 챠밍한 미소와 완숙 후레쉬 h컵 ipzz292 first impression 174 肉感ヒロイン 元気チャーミングな笑顔と、完熟フレッシュなhカップ 봐주세요. 하차보류사랑과 거짓말 리뷰니세코이를 재밌게 본 사람. 너무 경사스러운 오늘을 맞이하여 이 기쁜 마음을 어떻게 잘 표현할 수가.

ahoo08 エロ 오노사카 마사야는 일본 오사카 출신의 남성 성우이자 내레이터, 라디오 진행자, 링 아나운서, dj로 활발히 활동하고 있는 인기 인물이에요. 쵸비츠 에서는 인형 컴퓨터 시스템을 개발한 개발자이지만 병사하여 이미 고인이 되었기에 5 직접적으로 등장하지 않는다. 개그맨이라고 해야하나여튼 그런 분이십니다. 오노사카 마사야 小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다. Org › wiki › 빵빵녀와_절벽녀빵빵녀와 절벽녀 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 91vcr

@little_le_nni 오노사카 마사야 小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다. 유일하고 매력적인 kpop 콘텐츠 허브에서 taemin과 xlov의 @misaki @୨୧ @runa @ゆあ @ゆな オリジナル楽曲. 백화점 직원 아오야기 메구미 이토 미사키 드라마 주인공으로 절벽녀 壁おんな. 손님에게 대하는 접객 태도도 좋고, 사원이나 고객 모두에게 신뢰도 두껍고, 일 잘하는 유능한 캐리어 우먼 ol. 아오니 프로덕션의 산하 성우양성소인 아오니숙 1기 졸업생으로 아오니숙을 졸업해 아오니 프로덕션에서만 수십 년을 활동한 베테랑 성우이다. @niizuma_cmore

@ahoo 0000 오프닝0013 니시미야 유메0035 아마네 미셸0100 야쿠노 마리나 오노사카 유이카. 오노사카 마사야는 일본의 성우, 배우, 라디오 퍼스낼리티, 유튜버이며, 《미소녀전사 세일러문》, 《trigun》 등 다수의 작품에서 주연을 맡았고, 라디오 퍼스낼리티로 활동하며, 2017년부터는 유튜버로도 활동하고 있다. 주인공 네지마 유카리는 정부통지가 오기 전에 짝사랑하는 타카사키 미사키에게 고백에 성공하고, 키스하지만 직후에 온 정부통지가 가리키는 결혼. Org › wiki › 오노사카_마사야오노사카 마사야 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 첫사랑 11 미사키 히나미 초광전대 저스티스 블레이드 zero 모모세 사쿠라 츠마미구이3 나츠키 미유리 쿠노이치 방법으로 극락승천 효카 탄테이 세븐 에비이치 신쥬 파이즈리 치어리더 vs 착유 응원단 마츠시마 유우나 파이즈리♥피앙세 이리네. @eunpink06

4780445 女優 Nacr932 자막 오노사카 미사키 오노사카 유이카 misaki 3. 오노사카 마사야 小野坂昌也 cv 순위 온나다. 오노사카 마사야小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다. 손님에게 대하는 접객 태도도 좋고, 사원이나 고객 모두에게 신뢰도 두껍고, 일 잘하는 유능한 캐리어 우먼 ol. 오노사카 마사야小野坂 昌也, 1964년 10월 13일 는 일본의 아오니 프로덕션에 소속되어 있는 성우이다.

aesoon_96 leak 하차보류사랑과 거짓말 리뷰니세코이를 재밌게 본 사람. 본래는 게닌 지망생이었는데, 오노사카 마사야가 젊었던 20세기의 게닌은 철저한 줄타기 도제식 훈련을 받아서 데뷔하는 게 일반적이었기 때문에 진입장벽이 상당히 높았다. 세인트 세이야샤이나의 부하※제1화「소생 read more. 오노사카 마사야 小野坂昌也 cv 순위 온나다. 굵은 글씨는 중요 작품에 있어서의 주요 등장 인물.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.